the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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103 simply stating that the Case of the external head must be the Case of the head within the external clause. This is nicely explained within a Determiner-incorporation analysis in which the head’s D is assigned Case by C, by positing that the Case assigned to each of the two determiners must be identical. (Even though for these speakers, the Case assigners themselves are different—C for the head, and a matrix clause Case assigner for the outer D.) However, there remains the problem that for L&M’s consultants, it is possible to violate this generalization if the relative clause and the noun it modifies are in topic position. This is illustrated in (3.99). (3.99) Xwancha-q Juan-gen rima-sqa-n speak-nm-3sg warma-wan-(qa), girl-with-top (pay-ta-puni) he-acc-emph ‘He saw the girl with whom Juan spoke.’ (L&M p.194 (75)) riku-ra-n. see-past-3sg Examples like (3.99) give no indication of the role of the topic within the matrix clause. They are bad for my consultants. For the speakers consulted by L&M, however, we can simply say that clashes between the Case assigned by C (presumably matching the internal Case) and the Case of the head within the matrix clause are not tolerated. This is resolved when the entire clause is in topic position (a non-Case position). 3.5 Conclusion In this chapter I have analyzed the syntactic structure of Cuzco Quechua relative clauses. I have argued for the presence of functional heads within Main and nominalized clauses which are responsible for Case checking of arguments of the verb. I have furthermore posited a n head which appears in nominalized clauses and possessor phrases, and parallels v within Main clauses. I have claimed that the lack of Case-marking on an internal head is due to the fact that the Case of this head is checked in the matrix clause, via a proceess of determiner incorporation. Thus, the
104 analysis presented here also provides support for Bianchi’s [2000] proposal that the head of a relative clause starts as a full DP within the subordinate clause, and its raising out of the clause is followed by determiner incorporation between the inner and outer D’s. I have further linked this determiner incorporation in Quechua to the fact that universal quantifiers even on an internal head can take wide interpretive scope over the relative clause.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86: 68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88: 70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90: 72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91 and 92: 74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94: 76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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