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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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5<br />

outside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> definiteness head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun phrase at LF.<br />

1.2 Theoretical framework <strong>and</strong> assumptions<br />

In this section I briefly outline <strong>the</strong> main <strong>the</strong>oretical tools that I adopt in this dissertation,<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> assumptions that I will make about phrase structure in Quechua.<br />

The basic syntactic model will be a Minimalist framework as in [Chomsky 1995,<br />

2000, 2001a]. Thus I assume that <strong>the</strong> fundamental syntactic operation by which<br />

two lexical items or syntactic constituents may be combined is Merge. External<br />

Merge is <strong>the</strong> derivational step by which two independent syntactic units α <strong>and</strong> β<br />

are combined to form <strong>the</strong> set {γ, {α, β}}, where γ is <strong>the</strong> label <strong>of</strong> α. Internal Merge<br />

is a similar operation with <strong>the</strong> additional proviso that β is a constituent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure<br />

α. I will <strong>of</strong>ten refer to Internal Merge informally as “movement” <strong>of</strong> β. I will<br />

also frequently use a notation in which <strong>the</strong> point from which Internal Merge takes<br />

place is indicated with a trace (t) in <strong>the</strong> syntactic tree. When it becomes relevant in<br />

<strong>the</strong> text I will discuss <strong>the</strong> Spell-Out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> syntactic structure <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Copy Theory <strong>of</strong> movement, by which <strong>the</strong> lower “trace” position is filled by<br />

one copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internally Merged element.<br />

In this framework, Internal Merge is triggered by a combination <strong>of</strong> an Agree<br />

relationship between <strong>the</strong> head H <strong>of</strong> α, <strong>and</strong> β, <strong>and</strong> an EPP (OCC) feature on H.<br />

Agreement can occur when H contains uninterpretable features which are identical<br />

to interpretable features <strong>of</strong> β. In this case, H is called a probe, <strong>and</strong> β is <strong>the</strong> goal. In<br />

order for <strong>the</strong> Agree relationship to be established, β must be <strong>the</strong> nearest matching

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