the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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215 (6.43)(a) VP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ pisi-ta DP a.few-acc ✟ ✟✟ ❍ D(indef) ‘(I saw) a few llamas.’ (b) VP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ pisi-ta a.few-acc ❍ ❍ NP llama-ta llama-acc ❍ ❍ ❍ DP e ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ NP ✏ ✏ ✏✏✏✏ Ana-q llama-n-ta Ana‘s llama-3sg-acc D(def) ‘(I saw) a few of Anas llamas’. (from 6.32(b)) As in the case of adjectives, the interpretation here is the one expected in the case of a DP-internal weak quantifier too, again because of the semantic vacuousness of the indefinite D. However, I propose to capture the differing behavior of weak quantifiers and adjectives by assuming that the apparently partitive readings allowed in the case of weak quantifier discontinuous noun phrases are a result of the composition of the weak quantifier with the definite noun phrase as illustrated in (6.43(b)). Therefore I propose that a weak quantifier can combine directly with a type e DP and the result is interpreted as an indefinite, partitive expression. In fact, an analysis in which quantifiers regularly and perhaps universally take complements of type e can be found in [Matthewson 2001]. Here I adopt a slightly more flexible approach in that I presume that this is only one option for weak quantifiers in Quechua, and still assume that quantifiers can also combine directly with a type nominal as we saw above in (6.43(a)). 6.4.2.3 Strong quantifiers Finally we turn to the case of strong quantifiers. Recall that strong quantifiers did not obey the generalization that seemed to prohibit discontinuous noun phrases
216 from encoding definite DPs. In fact, strong quantifiers are perfectly able to appear separated from the noun they are associated to. To explain this fact under the current analysis, we may simply posit the configuration in (6.44) for the LF structure of a discontinuous noun phrase with the strong quantifier llipin ‘every’. (6.44) VP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ V ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ llipin-ta DP every-acc ✟ ✟ ✟ ❍ D(indef) ❍ ❍ NP manzana-ta apple-acc ‘(I ate) every apple.’ Note that in (6.44) I represent llipin ‘every’ as combining directly with an indefinite DP and the overall unit is interpreted as ‘every apple’. It is quite possible, however, that just as in the case of weak quantifiers, a strong quantifier can also take a definite DP complement. The syntax of (6.44) will be discussed in more detail below. 6.4.3 Revisiting the syntactic options In the preceding section I suggested that the semantic differences between continuous and discontinuous noun phrases can be explained by positing an LF structure in which the modifier appears outside of the definiteness head of the DP. In this section I consider the syntactic issues raised by this configuration, particularly in light of the three syntactic analyses previously discussed. These three analyses are summarized again in (6.45).
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248: 230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252: 234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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