the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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17 In a main clause, accusative Case is marked with the suffix -ta, while in a nominalized clause, the accusative Case marker is typically null (-∅). 2 Hence the lack of overt Case marking on waka in (2.2) is in accordance with this general pattern. The analysis of this phenomenon is a major topic of Chapter 3. English allows only externally headed relative clauses, and hence syntactic and semantic analyses of relative clauses based on languages like English have typically assumed structures like that suggested by (2.3). (2.3) [ DP The cow [ CP that John bought e]] Here, e indicates the position in which the thematic role of cow within the subordinate clause would normally be assigned. One popular analysis of English relative clauses, which I will call the Operator analysis, suggests that the empty category e is the trace of an empty operator which is coindexed with cow, and which raises to Spec of the subordinate CP. In this analysis the head of the relative clause is the noun phrase cow, which is adjacent to the within the external DP. 3,4 The syntactic structure of the DP in (2.3) would hence be as shown in (2.4) under the operator analysis. 2 For Lefebvre and Muysken’s [1988] consultants, -ta also could appear on some nominalized clause direct objects, though it was dispreferred. My consultants rejected -ta in these cases. 3 I will refer to the DP (or NP) which contains a relative clause as the outer DP (or NP). In my own analysis I do assume the existence of a Determiner Phrase as proposed in Abney (1987). 4 Another analysis, the Adjunction analysis of relative clauses, suggests that the relative clause is adjoined to the DP the cow. Such an analysis raises immediate problems for compositionality of the DP interpretation since the constituent ‘the cow’ suggests there is one unique contextually relevant cow (this problem is discussed by Partee (1976)). A solution to this problem proposed by Bach and Cooper (1978) is mentioned in connection with Quechua in Section 2.4.
18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ D NP The ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ N CP cow ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ i OP i C ✟ ✟✟ ✟ that ❍❍ ❍ ❍ IP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP VP ✟ ✟ ❍ ❍ John V NP bought t OPi Most early work on IHRs (e.g. [Cole 1987a]) assumed that IHRs and EHRs had essentially the same semantic distribution. Thus, languages allowing both constructions were seen as having a built-in optionality in terms of head position. For this reason, it was attractive to assume that both IHRs and EHRs had the same LF structure. Since the EHR structure was already consistent with the modificational meaning of a relative clause, it was naturally hypothesized that the head of an IHR raises covertly to look like an EHR head at the level of interpretation. This view is advanced by Cole [1987a] for Ancash and Imbabura Quechua and also by Williamson [1987] for Lakhota, though with some differences in syntactic detail. Other studies, however, suggest that it is incorrect to assume that EHRs and IHRs have essentially identical LF structures. First Basilico [1996] claims that IHRs are actually quantified NPs. It has further been shown in work on Japanese, that in fact the meaning of IHRs and EHRs is not always identical, indicating a need for independent semantic analyses of these constructions. This observation was made by Kuroda [1974], and recently developed in detail by Hoshi [1995] and Shimoyama [1999, 2001], who claim that IHRs are interpreted as independent sentences and the head is identified for its role within the matrix sentence via E-type anaphora.
Page 1 and 2: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 3 and 4: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 5 and 6: Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements When I entered the
Page 9 and 10: through valuable courses and commen
Page 11 and 12: I have also been the beneficiary of
Page 13 and 14: Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
Page 15 and 16: 5 Existential and Possessive Senten
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
Page 19 and 20: 2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
Page 21 and 22: 4 the availability of slightly diff
Page 23 and 24: 6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
Page 25 and 26: 8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
Page 27 and 28: 10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
Page 29 and 30: 12 that complement clauses exhibit
Page 31 and 32: 14 used is a combination of traditi
Page 33: 16 tactically, it poses a challenge
Page 37 and 38: 20 clause (specifically, she sugges
Page 39 and 40: 22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
Page 41 and 42: 24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
Page 43 and 44: 26 function g c assigns to the inde
Page 45 and 46: 28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
Page 47 and 48: 30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
Page 49 and 50: 32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
Page 51 and 52: 34 basic syntactic analysis given h
Page 53 and 54: 36 something about pisi which induc
Page 55 and 56: 38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
Page 57 and 58: 40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
Page 59 and 60: 42 In general, other weak and stron
Page 61 and 62: 44 as an example. This sentence is
Page 63 and 64: 46 Note that the matrix clause dist
Page 65 and 66: 48 some English consultants find th
Page 67 and 68: 50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250:
232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252:
234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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