the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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21 Williamson suggests that an NP marked with the definite determiner also cannot be the head of an IHR because it represents old information, which is then not compatible with further restriction. She goes on to predict that all languages allowing IHRs will also exhibit this definiteness restriction. 2.2.2 Cole 1987 Cole [1987a], like Williamson, suggests that EHRs and IHRs have identical structures at LF, through raising of the internal head. However, he also argues that an IHR has an empty external head at S-structure, which is coindexed with the head noun within the relative clause. This empty head is then replaced at LF by the lexical head, which leaves a trace within the IHR. Both the empty external head and the LF-raised lexical head are daughers of the outer NP . Thus, Cole suggests the following structures of an IHR at S-Structure (2.9) and at LF (2.10). (2.9) S-Structure ([Cole 1987a, 3]): NP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ¯S NP ✏ ✏✏✏✏ e NP i i ✏ ✏ (lexical) (2.10) LF ([Cole 1987a, 4]): NP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ¯S NP i ✏✏ ✏ ✏ ...t i ... (lexical) Cole’s work is based largely on data from Imbabura and Ancash Quechua. He does not address the issue of definiteness in these languages, nor elaborate upon Williamson’s definiteness restriction (note that his structure creates the same problems for semantic parsing mechanisms as does the Adjunction analysis of EHRs, mentioned in footnote 4).
22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] provides a cross-linguistic survey and analysis of IHRs in nine languages. He finds that internal heads are incompatible with universal quantification in all these languages, as predicted by Williamson’s analysis of IHRs. Culy’s analysis of the syntax and semantics of IHRs is different from Cole’s and Williamson’s in that it assumes that the head NP is associated with a co-indexed wh operator that moves to COMP at LF. The S-structure of an IHR is shown in (2.11). (2.11) S-Structure of IHR (Culy p.96): NP i ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍ ❍ ❍ — N — S ✟ ✟ ❍ ❍ COMP S ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ — NP i — ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ — N i — wh i Culy adopts the interpretation framework proposed by Heim [1982]. Skipping the details of the steps involved in interpretation, I show in (2.12) a slightly simplified version of Culy’s LF structure for an IHR. (2.12) LF of IHR (from Culy p.166): NP i ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DET N i S ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ COMP S ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ wh i NP i S ✏ ✏ (head) ...t NPi ...
Page 1 and 2: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 3 and 4: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 5 and 6: Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements When I entered the
Page 9 and 10: through valuable courses and commen
Page 11 and 12: I have also been the beneficiary of
Page 13 and 14: Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
Page 15 and 16: 5 Existential and Possessive Senten
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
Page 19 and 20: 2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
Page 21 and 22: 4 the availability of slightly diff
Page 23 and 24: 6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
Page 25 and 26: 8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
Page 27 and 28: 10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
Page 29 and 30: 12 that complement clauses exhibit
Page 31 and 32: 14 used is a combination of traditi
Page 33 and 34: 16 tactically, it poses a challenge
Page 35 and 36: 18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
Page 37: 20 clause (specifically, she sugges
Page 41 and 42: 24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
Page 43 and 44: 26 function g c assigns to the inde
Page 45 and 46: 28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
Page 47 and 48: 30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
Page 49 and 50: 32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
Page 51 and 52: 34 basic syntactic analysis given h
Page 53 and 54: 36 something about pisi which induc
Page 55 and 56: 38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
Page 57 and 58: 40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
Page 59 and 60: 42 In general, other weak and stron
Page 61 and 62: 44 as an example. This sentence is
Page 63 and 64: 46 Note that the matrix clause dist
Page 65 and 66: 48 some English consultants find th
Page 67 and 68: 50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86: 68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88: 70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90:
72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130:
112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160:
142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164:
146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168:
Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170:
5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172:
154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176:
158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180:
162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186:
168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188:
170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190:
172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192:
174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198:
180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200:
182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204:
186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210:
192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212:
Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216:
198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218:
200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220:
202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222:
204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224:
206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226:
208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228:
210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234:
216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236:
218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242:
224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248:
230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250:
232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252:
234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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