the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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169 Partitive Case, based on data from Finnish. In her view this Case is an inherent Case assigned by the copular verb. This idea was later taken up by Lasnik [1995, 1996]. Under this analysis, the impossibility of the associate being a relative clause head must then be equated with the impossibility of certain other non-argument DPs taking on this role. As we saw in Chapter 3, licensing of an external head can take place either by raising (if the head is an argument of the subordinate verb) or by a pragmatically reconstructable relationship between the subordinate clause and the matrix clause. The latter case was illustrated by examples such as (3.66), repeated here as (5.45). (5.45) [[naranja orange ch’arwa-sqa-y] squeeze-nm-1sg jugo] juice ‘the juice that I made by squeezing oranges’ In this case, the relationship between juice and orange-squeezing is apparent. However, in examples like (5.46), the relationship between working hard and children is not clear enough to license this construction, despite the existence of a corresponding matrix sentence as in (5.47). (5.46) *[[pro ancha-ta llank’a-sqa-n] wawa-kuna () a.lot-ta(adv) work-nm-3sg child-pl ‘The children he worked hard on account of’ (5.47) Ancha-ta llank’a-rqa-n wawa-n–kuna-rayku. a.lot-acc work-past-3sg child-3sg–pl-on account of ‘He worked hard on account of his children.’ Thus I conclude that the relative clause in (5.31), like (5.46), is not grammatical because the pragmatic connection between the head and the clause is not sufficiently reconstructable to license this sort of head, just as is the case with the proposed head wawakuna ‘children’ in (5.46).
170 Adoption of the partitive Case analysis is compatible with the view in (5.44) in which the associate is first Merged within VP. The important point given our results of Chapter 3, however, is that the associate is not an argument of the verb. The non-argument status of the associate is also consistent with the observation that the associate cannot be the head of a non-subject -sqa relative clause as mentioned above. Therefore, either the T to which the expletive merges directly also assigns Case to the associate, or the associate receives inherent Case. Under the second view the tree structure we end up with is shown again in (5.48). (5.48) TP ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ Expl T’ ✟ ✟❍ ❍ vP T ❍ ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ VP v ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ ❍ ✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ v ka-n ❍ llamakuna V’ be-3sg llamas ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ urqu-pi t V mountain-loc 5.4 Structure of CQ Possessive sentences In this section I turn to the structure of possessive sentences in Cuzco Quechua. 5.4.1 Some problems: ‘Maria has llamas’, and ‘There are those mountains’ The analysis presented in the previous section has, as one of its predictions, a Quechua version of the definiteness effect. That is, the presence of an existential construction seems to imply that the associate will always be an indefinite. Indeed, in the vast majority of cases that I have examined this holds. For instance,
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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