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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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186<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> preposition into <strong>the</strong> existential BE. In English <strong>the</strong> problem is solved by <strong>the</strong><br />

insertion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Case-licensing preposition <strong>of</strong> into <strong>the</strong> D/P o position accompanied<br />

by <strong>the</strong> raising <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possessed nominal.<br />

In Quechua, although I am not aware <strong>of</strong> direct evidence that <strong>the</strong> [Spec,DP]<br />

position is a Case position as opposed to <strong>the</strong> [Spec,nP] position, I will accept Kayne’s<br />

notion that an indefinite determiner is not sufficient to assign Case to <strong>the</strong> possessor.<br />

I suggest that Quechua, like Hungarian, has a higher position within a DP which is<br />

a Case position. This position is probably <strong>the</strong> same escape hatch in which Co-case<br />

marking <strong>of</strong> any extracted element is licensed. This analysis is reminiscent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

proposal in Lefebvre & Muysken [1988] that <strong>the</strong>re is a “COMP-like Case position”<br />

within a DP, where <strong>the</strong> moved element picks up Case. However, relative clause<br />

data provided by Lefebvre <strong>and</strong> Muysken intended to show that an element may<br />

appear overtly in this position is ungrammatical for my consultants. These data<br />

were discussed in Chapter 3, Section 4.4. Therefore for my consultants it appears<br />

that this “COMP-like Case position” within <strong>the</strong> DP is only a position from which<br />

movement out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> DP may occur. I discuss this position fur<strong>the</strong>r in Chapter 6. 17<br />

An explicit implementation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> a DP-external Case position is as<br />

follows. Suppose that <strong>the</strong>re is a functional head K that selects DP <strong>and</strong> which is<br />

a probe with nominal φ features. K is optionally present in instances <strong>of</strong> optional<br />

extraction from DP, but in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> DPs with indefinite D heads <strong>and</strong> a possessor,<br />

as in possessive sentences, K must be present in order to check <strong>the</strong> Case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

17 There is a fur<strong>the</strong>r issue that this analysis brings up which I am currently unable<br />

to explain. That is, how does Spellout occur in CQ before <strong>the</strong> possessor has had<br />

its Case fully checked, since current assumptions suggest that all uninterpretable<br />

features must be deleted before <strong>the</strong> construction is sent to PF? For <strong>the</strong> moment I<br />

will simply suggest that this apparent violation may be related to <strong>the</strong> double Case<br />

marking on <strong>the</strong> possessor (<strong>the</strong> combination <strong>of</strong> genitive Case marking plus <strong>the</strong> Case<br />

marking associated with clause extraction). Similarly in English, <strong>the</strong> expression<br />

“books <strong>of</strong> John’s” also contains two apparent Case-licensors: ’s <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>.

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