the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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127 IQ respectively. Only in CQ can a bare noun (with nominal person marking) be understood as having a pronominal possessor. (4.36) wasi-n house-3sg ‘his/her house’ (CQ) (4.37) wasi house ‘house’ *’his/her house’ (IQ) Examples (4.38) and (4.39) show that neither an internal nor an external head can be derived from an element of a subordinate DP. (4.38) *[[Maria [[alku-ta Maria dog-acc doberman-mi. doberman-evid miku-chi-k] eat-cause-nm warmi]-ta woman-acc riksi-k]]-ka know-nm-top ‘The dog that Maria knows the woman who feeds (it) is a doberman.’ Consultant’s comment: Maria’s friend is a doberman? (4.39) *[[Maria [ DP [[e] miku-chi-k] Maria eat-cause-nm doberman-mi. doberman-evid warmi]-ta woman-acc riksi-k] know-nm alku]-ka dog-top ‘The dog that Maria knows the woman who feeds (it) is a doberman.’ (IQ) (IQ) Similar facts to those above are noted and discussed in [Cole 1985], [Cole & Hermon 1981, 1994] and these examples are taken as evidence that the head does raise in IQ. Cole [1985] also finds that the subject of an embedded clause cannot be a head. Relevant examples are shown in (4.40) and (4.41). My consultants share the judgments reported there.
128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi woman Juan-ta Juan-acc riku-shka]]-ta see-nm-acc ni-shka] say-nm llugshi-rka. leave-past ‘The woman who Maria said saw Juan left.’ (Cole 1985 p.54 195) (IQ) (4.41) *[Marya Juzi-man María José-to llugshi-rka. leave-past ni-shka say-nm [∅ Juan-ta Juan-acc riku-shka]-ta see-nm-acc warmi] woman ‘The woman who Maria told José that saw Juan left.’ (Cole 1985 p.56 190) (IQ) However, Cole finds that an embedded clause object can head a relative clause. In this case my consultants do not share these judgments. For my consultants, it is impossible or extremely difficult (and equally difficult) to get either the subject or an object of an embedded clause to be the head of a relative clause. Examples of attempted subject relativization are shown in (4.40) and (4.41), and object relativization in (4.42) and (4.43). I take these examples from [Cole 1985] and give both the judgments of his consultants and of mine. I should note that in each case (since the intended meaning was never readily apparent to my consultants) I set up a context by affirming (in Quechua) the content of the relative clause to promote the intended meaning of the sentence. The context is given in each case. (4.42) Context: Maria believes that Jose saw a child. [Chay [Marya dem Maria ri-rka. leave-past [Juzi Jose [e] riku-shka]-ta see-nm-acc kri-k] believe-nm wawa] child ña-mi already-aff ‘The child that Maria believes that Jose saw already left.’ (Cole 1985 p.54 193) (IQ) My consultants’ judgment *‘The child that Maria believes that Jose saw already left.’ Consultant’s comment “It must be the child who believes that Maria saw José.”
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94: 76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192: 174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194: 176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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