the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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13 mary consultants were seven Cuzco speakers (most of whom live in the village of Chinchero near Cuzco) and three Peguche, Imbabura speakers of Quechua, but many other friends and acquaintances contributed to my understanding of the intricacies of Quechua through their conversation, judgments and comments on their language. All my main consultants are bilingual in Spanish, but to varying extents. Some were balanced bilinguals while others were more comfortable in Quechua. My consultants themselves ranged from highly experienced teachers of Quechua to speakers who had never studied the grammar of their language before. My field sessions with consultants were conducted in a mix of Spanish and Quechua. I have also relied heavily on the past work on Quechua mentioned earlier in this chapter, although the majority of the facts reported in this dissertation come from my own fieldwork. One reason for this is simply that many of the facts that I found to be relevant to the problems I study here were not to be found in the past literature on these dialects. However, in the interest of the internal consistency of the current work I have verified previous results with my own consultants, since the dialect reflected in my consultants’ judgments disagreed at certain points with judgments reported in the past. There are of course a variety of possible explanations for this fact, ranging from differences in dialect or ideolect, to language change, to methodological discrepancies among researchers, and I have tried explicitly to indicate important points of disparity in judgments. I have also cited many examples from past work which my own consultants agree with, and in these cases I have noted the source in the text. Examples for which no source is noted come simply from my own work. This brings me to the question of data collection. The methodology I have
14 used is a combination of traditional elicitation and solicitation of acceptability judgments, along with searching for examples in spontaneous speech and texts (here I consulted most extensively the autobiographical narrative of Gregorio Condori Mamani [Valderrama & Escobar 1977]). However, to be consistent and in keeping with the considerations discussed in the preceding paragraph, I have also checked spontaneous examples of these sorts with my consultants to be sure they reflected the grammatical system I am studying here. Because of the complex semantics of some of my examples, I made extensive use of pictures and other concrete visual aids to confirm contexts. Of course, there were also many cases in which my consultants’ opinions varied, but in the end I have tried to use examples which are broadly agreed upon and which reflect systematic responses, for the core analyses I have given. In cases in which relevant data evoked mixed responses I have tried to report this explicitly in the dissertation, and where possible to provide an explanation for these responses.
Page 1 and 2: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 3 and 4: THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
Page 5 and 6: Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements When I entered the
Page 9 and 10: through valuable courses and commen
Page 11 and 12: I have also been the beneficiary of
Page 13 and 14: Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
Page 15 and 16: 5 Existential and Possessive Senten
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
Page 19 and 20: 2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
Page 21 and 22: 4 the availability of slightly diff
Page 23 and 24: 6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
Page 25 and 26: 8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
Page 27 and 28: 10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
Page 29: 12 that complement clauses exhibit
Page 33 and 34: 16 tactically, it poses a challenge
Page 35 and 36: 18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
Page 37 and 38: 20 clause (specifically, she sugges
Page 39 and 40: 22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
Page 41 and 42: 24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
Page 43 and 44: 26 function g c assigns to the inde
Page 45 and 46: 28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
Page 47 and 48: 30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
Page 49 and 50: 32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
Page 51 and 52: 34 basic syntactic analysis given h
Page 53 and 54: 36 something about pisi which induc
Page 55 and 56: 38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
Page 57 and 58: 40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
Page 59 and 60: 42 In general, other weak and stron
Page 61 and 62: 44 as an example. This sentence is
Page 63 and 64: 46 Note that the matrix clause dist
Page 65 and 66: 48 some English consultants find th
Page 67 and 68: 50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82:
64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84:
66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86:
68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88:
70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90:
72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91 and 92:
74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94:
76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96:
78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98:
80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100:
82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102:
84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104:
86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106:
88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108:
90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110:
92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112:
94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114:
96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116:
98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118:
100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120:
102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122:
104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124:
106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126:
108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128:
110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130:
112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132:
114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134:
116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136:
118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138:
120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140:
122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142:
124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144:
126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146:
128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148:
130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150:
132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152:
134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154:
136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156:
138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158:
140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160:
142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162:
144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164:
146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166:
148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168:
Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170:
5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172:
154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174:
156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176:
158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178:
160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180:
162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182:
164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184:
166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186:
168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188:
170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190:
172 In the following sections I wil
Page 191 and 192:
174 According to Freeze, there is n
Page 193 and 194:
176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196:
178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198:
180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200:
182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202:
184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204:
186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206:
188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208:
190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210:
192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212:
Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214:
196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216:
198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218:
200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220:
202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222:
204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224:
206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226:
208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228:
210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230:
212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232:
214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234:
216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236:
218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238:
220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240:
222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242:
224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244:
226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246:
228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248:
230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249 and 250:
232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252:
234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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