the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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mary consultants were seven Cuzco speakers (most of whom live in the village of
Chinchero near Cuzco) and three Peguche, Imbabura speakers of Quechua, but many
other friends and acquaintances contributed to my understanding of the intricacies
of Quechua through their conversation, judgments and comments on their language.
All my main consultants are bilingual in Spanish, but to varying extents. Some
were balanced bilinguals while others were more comfortable in Quechua. My consultants
themselves ranged from highly experienced teachers of Quechua to speakers
who had never studied the grammar of their language before. My field sessions with
consultants were conducted in a mix of Spanish and Quechua.
I have also relied heavily on the past work on Quechua mentioned earlier in this
chapter, although the majority of the facts reported in this dissertation come from
my own fieldwork. One reason for this is simply that many of the facts that I found to
be relevant to the problems I study here were not to be found in the past literature on
these dialects. However, in the interest of the internal consistency of the current work
I have verified previous results with my own consultants, since the dialect reflected
in my consultants’ judgments disagreed at certain points with judgments reported
in the past. There are of course a variety of possible explanations for this fact,
ranging from differences in dialect or ideolect, to language change, to methodological
discrepancies among researchers, and I have tried explicitly to indicate important
points of disparity in judgments. I have also cited many examples from past work
which my own consultants agree with, and in these cases I have noted the source in
the text. Examples for which no source is noted come simply from my own work.
This brings me to the question of data collection. The methodology I have