the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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How can we explain the fact that null-marked internal arguments may raise to a
clause-external position, either post- or pre-Spellout? Note that it is not sufficient
to say that the element which appears in the first Spec,LkP position can raise, since
this does not explain the fact that non-direct object internal arguments (such as the
locative in (3.38)) are marked differently depending on whether they are the head
or not.
To answer this question I return to an important aspect of the determinerincorporation
analysis of [Bianchi 2000], a version of which is adopted here for
Quechua as discussed in Section 4.1. Under the DP analysis, it is natural to assume
that Case is assigned to the determiner of a DP. Bianchi assumes that Case is
assigned to the relative DP within the subordinate clause and to the outer D within
the matrix clause. However, I would like to make a different proposal for Cuzco
Quechua. I propose that the head does not receive Case within the subordinate
clause. This explains why heads have no Case marking in the subordinate clause.
I therefore distinguish between the null-Case accusative found in some subordinate
clauses, and the head of a relative clause which I take to be unmarked for Case.
Note that such an analysis is possible, and easily formulable, in a framework in
which structural Case assignment is attributed to functional heads and not to the
verb itself.
How, then, does the head receive Case? To be concrete, I propose that the
(non-subject) head of a relative clause is generated simply in the Spec of VP, which
under the current analysis is not a Case position at all. The head then raises either
overtly or at LF to the Spec of the dominating CP. At this point I can see two
possibilities. One possibility is that the [Spec,CP] position is itself a Case-checking
position; that the relative complementizer C has Case features itself. 10
A second
10 Although this is an unorthodox proposal, in fact Bianchi [2000] suggests in a
footnote that it is possible that the external D of a relative clause is associated