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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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175<br />

respect <strong>the</strong> analysis is similar to that <strong>of</strong> Freeze. However, Kayne differs from Freeze<br />

in that for Kayne voiture ‘car’ is originally predicated <strong>of</strong> ‘Jean’ while for Freeze,<br />

‘car’ would be in Spec <strong>of</strong> a PP <strong>of</strong> which ‘Jean’ is <strong>the</strong> complement.<br />

One question that arises at this point is how <strong>the</strong> semantic interpretation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> resulting sentence is achieved. Kayne states simply that “<strong>the</strong> relation between<br />

voiture <strong>and</strong> Jean would presumably be established within IP.” (p.102)<br />

5.4.2.3 Szabolcsi 1994<br />

Szabolcsi [1994] presents a <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hungarian noun phrase which highlights<br />

<strong>the</strong> parallels between CP <strong>and</strong> DP structure. Her view differs from Abney [1987] in<br />

that, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, <strong>the</strong> D head is equated with <strong>the</strong> C head, as opposed to<br />

Abney’s suggestion that D is parallel to I.<br />

Hungarian DPs, like CQ DPs, show overt possessor agreement morphology on<br />

<strong>the</strong> noun head. The actual position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possessor varies: it can follow <strong>the</strong> definite<br />

article in which case it is null (nominative) Case-marked, or it may precede <strong>the</strong> definite<br />

article in which case it is dative marked. These two possibilities are illustrated<br />

in (5.60) <strong>and</strong> (5.61).<br />

(5.60) (a)<br />

(<strong>the</strong>)<br />

Mari<br />

Mari(-nom)<br />

‘Mari’s hats’ (Szabolcsi 2)<br />

kalap-ja-i<br />

hat-poss-pl(-3sg)<br />

(5.61) Mari-nak<br />

Mari-dat<br />

a-<br />

<strong>the</strong><br />

‘Mari’s hats’ (Szabolcsi 3)<br />

kalap-ja-i<br />

hat-poss-pl(-3sg)<br />

Szabolcsi proposes that <strong>the</strong> Hungarian ‘have’ construction, illustrated in (5.62),<br />

is derived from an existential construction (as in (5.63)), toge<strong>the</strong>r with a possessor<br />

construction. Thus, <strong>the</strong> dative subject is an instance <strong>of</strong> possessor extraction.

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