the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification
the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification
the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification
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175<br />
respect <strong>the</strong> analysis is similar to that <strong>of</strong> Freeze. However, Kayne differs from Freeze<br />
in that for Kayne voiture ‘car’ is originally predicated <strong>of</strong> ‘Jean’ while for Freeze,<br />
‘car’ would be in Spec <strong>of</strong> a PP <strong>of</strong> which ‘Jean’ is <strong>the</strong> complement.<br />
One question that arises at this point is how <strong>the</strong> semantic interpretation <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> resulting sentence is achieved. Kayne states simply that “<strong>the</strong> relation between<br />
voiture <strong>and</strong> Jean would presumably be established within IP.” (p.102)<br />
5.4.2.3 Szabolcsi 1994<br />
Szabolcsi [1994] presents a <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hungarian noun phrase which highlights<br />
<strong>the</strong> parallels between CP <strong>and</strong> DP structure. Her view differs from Abney [1987] in<br />
that, among o<strong>the</strong>r things, <strong>the</strong> D head is equated with <strong>the</strong> C head, as opposed to<br />
Abney’s suggestion that D is parallel to I.<br />
Hungarian DPs, like CQ DPs, show overt possessor agreement morphology on<br />
<strong>the</strong> noun head. The actual position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possessor varies: it can follow <strong>the</strong> definite<br />
article in which case it is null (nominative) Case-marked, or it may precede <strong>the</strong> definite<br />
article in which case it is dative marked. These two possibilities are illustrated<br />
in (5.60) <strong>and</strong> (5.61).<br />
(5.60) (a)<br />
(<strong>the</strong>)<br />
Mari<br />
Mari(-nom)<br />
‘Mari’s hats’ (Szabolcsi 2)<br />
kalap-ja-i<br />
hat-poss-pl(-3sg)<br />
(5.61) Mari-nak<br />
Mari-dat<br />
a-<br />
<strong>the</strong><br />
‘Mari’s hats’ (Szabolcsi 3)<br />
kalap-ja-i<br />
hat-poss-pl(-3sg)<br />
Szabolcsi proposes that <strong>the</strong> Hungarian ‘have’ construction, illustrated in (5.62),<br />
is derived from an existential construction (as in (5.63)), toge<strong>the</strong>r with a possessor<br />
construction. Thus, <strong>the</strong> dative subject is an instance <strong>of</strong> possessor extraction.