the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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Since the key IHRs all have quantified heads, I start out in Section 2.3.1 by briefly
summarizing the Quechua quantifiers which appear in the IHR data.
2.3.1 Cuzco Quechua quantifiers
The quantifiers relevant to this chapter are D-quantifiers (determiner-like), in the
terminology of [Bach et al. 1995]. They are structurally part of a DP, typically
appearing before the noun and adjective, if there is one. Although Quechua has
no overt definite and indefinite articles, it does have non-quantificational apparent
determiners in the form of the demonstratives kay ‘this’, chay ‘that’, and haqay
‘yonder’. Sentences (2.22) and (2.23) illustrate one property of Quechua quantifiers
which indicates that they are D-quantifiers: when the quantifier does appear in a
non-canonical position within the sentence, it must receive its own Case marking.
This is a general syntactic diagnostic in Cuzco Quechua for apparent movement out
of a DP in an argument position, discussed by Lefebvre and Muysken [1988]. This
phenomenon is investigated in detail in Chapter 6.
(2.22) Llipi-n
All-3
runa-kuna-ta
person-pl-acc
riku-rqa-nki-chu?
see-past-2sg-Q
‘Did you see all the men?’ ([Lefebvre & Muysken 1988, p.142])
(2.23) [e i Runa-kuna-ta]
person-pl-acc
llipi-n-ta i
all-3-acc
riku-rqa-nki-chu?
see-past-2sg-Q
‘Did you see all the men?’ ([Lefebvre & Muysken 1988, p.142])
Note that in (2.22), the quantifier llipin ‘all’ (which, incidentally, appears to
have the same distribution as tukuy ‘all’) is not Case-marked, and appears in its
canonical position before the head noun runakuna ‘people’. By contrast, in (2.23),
llipin appears to the right of the head noun, and the fact that it is no longer part
of the DP is indicated by the accusative Case-marking which now appears on the
moved element.