the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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Recall that Cuzco Quechua and Imbabura Quechua allow both internally headed
and externally headed relative clauses as illustrated in (4.1) and (4.2).
(4.1) Externally Headed examples
(a) [[Juan-pa
Juan-gen
e i
ranti-sqa-n]
buy-nm-3sg
waka]-qa
cow-top
‘The cow that Juan bought is black.’
yana-n.
black-evid
(CQ)
(b) [[Juan
Juan
e i
ranti-shka]
buy-nm
vaka]-ka
cow-top
‘The cow that Juan bought is black.’
yana-mi.
black-evid
(IQ)
(4.2) Internally Headed examples
(a) [[Juan-pa
Juan-gen
waka
cow
ranti-sqa-n]]-qa
buy-nm-3sg-top
‘The cow that Juan bought is black.’
yana-n.
black-evid
(CQ)
(b) [[Juan
Juan
vaka
cow
ranti-shka]]-ka
buy-nm-top
‘The cow that Juan bought is black.’
yana-mi.
black-evid
(IQ)
Although the above examples exhibit highly parallel surface structures, there
are a series of morphological, syntactic and semantic differences between these and
more complex examples of relative clauses in the two dialects. This chapter presents
a parametric study of the structural origins of these differences. I find that IQ more
closely resembles Japanese in that the relative clause is more sentence-like than in
CQ, and the head may be identified on a purely pragmatic level.
The organization of this chapter is as follows. In Section 4.2 I review some background
on relative clauses in the two dialects, pointing out several morphosyntactic
differences between the two languages. In Section 4.3 I propose a structure for IQ