the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

55
been proposed for non-quantified relative clauses also. Consider the internally and
externally headed relative clause pair in (3.1) and (3.2).
(3.1) [[Juan-pa waka ranti-sqa-n]]-qa yuraq-mi
Juan-gen cow buy-nm-3sg-top white-aff
‘The cow that Juan bought was white.’
(3.2) [[Juan-pa ranti-sqa-n] waka]-qa yuraq-mi
Juan-gen buy-nm-3sg cow-top white-aff
‘The cow that Juan bought was white.’
ka-rqa-n.
be-past-3sg
ka-rqa-n.
be-past-3sg
In [Cole 1987a], it is argued that Quechua 1 sentences such as (3.1) and (3.2) have
identical LF structures, related by LF head-raising. That is, Cole proposes that the
head waka of (3.1) raises at LF to the position to the right of the clause, allowing
both (3.1) and (3.2) to be interpreted in the same way. This idea is supported,
with some modifications, by [Kayne 1994], and in my analysis too there is a raising
relationship between the heads in these two examples.
In addition to object heads as in the above examples, subjects can also appear
as internal or external relative clause heads. In this case the nominalizer -q appears
on the verb. The syntax of these relative clause types will also be discussed in
this chapter. Examples are shown in (3.3) and (3.4), illustrating an EHR and IHR
respectively.
(3.3) [Chay [waka ranti-q] runa]-qa hatun-mi.
dem cow buy-nm man-top tall-evid
‘That man who bought the cow is tall.’
(3.4) [Chay
dem
[runa
man
waka
cow
ranti-q]]-qa
buy-nm-top
‘That man who bought the cow is tall.’ 2
hatun-mi.
tall-evid
1 Cole’s work focuses on Ancash and Imbabura Quechua.