the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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75 How can we explain the fact that null-marked internal arguments may raise to a clause-external position, either post- or pre-Spellout? Note that it is not sufficient to say that the element which appears in the first Spec,LkP position can raise, since this does not explain the fact that non-direct object internal arguments (such as the locative in (3.38)) are marked differently depending on whether they are the head or not. To answer this question I return to an important aspect of the determinerincorporation analysis of [Bianchi 2000], a version of which is adopted here for Quechua as discussed in Section 4.1. Under the DP analysis, it is natural to assume that Case is assigned to the determiner of a DP. Bianchi assumes that Case is assigned to the relative DP within the subordinate clause and to the outer D within the matrix clause. However, I would like to make a different proposal for Cuzco Quechua. I propose that the head does not receive Case within the subordinate clause. This explains why heads have no Case marking in the subordinate clause. I therefore distinguish between the null-Case accusative found in some subordinate clauses, and the head of a relative clause which I take to be unmarked for Case. Note that such an analysis is possible, and easily formulable, in a framework in which structural Case assignment is attributed to functional heads and not to the verb itself. How, then, does the head receive Case? To be concrete, I propose that the (non-subject) head of a relative clause is generated simply in the Spec of VP, which under the current analysis is not a Case position at all. The head then raises either overtly or at LF to the Spec of the dominating CP. At this point I can see two possibilities. One possibility is that the [Spec,CP] position is itself a Case-checking position; that the relative complementizer C has Case features itself. 10 A second 10 Although this is an unorthodox proposal, in fact Bianchi [2000] suggests in a footnote that it is possible that the external D of a relative clause is associated
76 possibility is that the Case of the head is not checked until after D-incorporation has occured, and in fact the Case of the two merged D’s is checked simultaneously within the matrix clause. Although either option can be implemented within the current framework, the second one has the advantage of linking Case-marking with determiner incorporation. Let us consider this option in more detail. Recall that in Chapter 2 we found that Quechua defies cross-linguistic generalizations in that it allows a strong quantifier to appear on an internal relative clause head, but ultimately to have wide scope over the relative clause. Furthermore, in the present chapter we have been considering the lack of Case-marking of the relative clause head. I am not aware of other languages (with overt Case morphology) which have either of these two properties. For each in turn let us examine which aspect of Cuzco Quechua syntax may be responsible for it. The analysis I present will attribute them both to the special nature of the determiner which selects a CP complement in Cuzco Quechua. The unique feature of Quechua here seems to lie in the fact that Quechua allows determiner incorporation to happen even when the surface structure spells out the quantified head in its relative clause-internal position. Other IHR languages do not have this option, since they disallow quantified noun phrases in the internal position. Furthermore, if Bianchi’s analysis is correct (at least for English and the Romance and Slavic languages she discusses), then (some) EHR languages also do not have this option because their version of determiner incorporation involves S-structure immediate C-command of the two determiner positions. We can capture these facts within the current framework and in the spirit of Bianchi’s solution to the challenge presented by Borsley by positing that Quechua has a null determiner (heading the main clause DP dominating the relative clause) with an Agr o phrase which dominates the relative CP and that the head moves to [Spec,Agr o ] after moving to [Spec,CP].
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
Page 41 and 42: 24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
Page 43 and 44: 26 function g c assigns to the inde
Page 45 and 46: 28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
Page 47 and 48: 30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
Page 49 and 50: 32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
Page 51 and 52: 34 basic syntactic analysis given h
Page 53 and 54: 36 something about pisi which induc
Page 55 and 56: 38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
Page 57 and 58: 40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
Page 59 and 60: 42 In general, other weak and stron
Page 61 and 62: 44 as an example. This sentence is
Page 63 and 64: 46 Note that the matrix clause dist
Page 65 and 66: 48 some English consultants find th
Page 67 and 68: 50 However, -nka may not appear on
Page 69 and 70: 52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
Page 71 and 72: Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
Page 73 and 74: 56 Note that for a head-raising ana
Page 75 and 76: 58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86: 68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88: 70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90: 72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91: 74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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