the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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233 Kuroda, S.-Y. 1974. Pivot-independent relativization in Japanese I. Papers in Japanese Linguistics 3:59-93. Reprinted in Kuroda (1992). Kuroda, S.-Y. 1992. Japanese Syntax and Semantics: Collected Papers. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Lasnik, H. 1995. Case and expletives revisited: On greed and other human failings, Linguistics Inquiry, 26.4.615-633. Lasnik, H. 1996. Case and expletives: Notes toward a parametric account. In R. Freidin (ed.) Current issues in comparative grammar, Kluwer. pp162-189. Lefebvre, C. & P. Muysken. 1979. COMP in (Cuzco) Quechua, NELS 1978, cunyforum Papers in Linguistics. 5-6:66-76. Lefebvre, C. & P. Muysken. 1982. Raising as Move Case, The Linguistic Review 2, 161-210. Lefebvre, C. & P. Muysken. 1988. Mixed Categories: Nominalization in Quechua. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Mannheim, B. 1991. The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion. Austin: University of Texas Press. Marantz, A. 2001. Words, LOT Summer School/WCCFL XX handout. Matthewson, L. 2001. Quantification and the nature of cross-linguistic variation, Natural Language Semantics, 9:145-189. Milsark, G. 1977. Peculiarities of the existential construction in English. Linguistic Analysis, 3:1.1-31. Morató Peña, L. and L. Morató Lara. 1995. Quechua Qosqo-Qollaw, Nivel Básico & Nivel Intermedio. Ithaca, NY: LASP, Cornell University. Murasugi, K. S. 2000. Japanese complex NPs and antisymmetry, in Martin, R. et al. Step by Step, Cambridge: MIT. Muysken, P. 1977. Syntactic developments in the verb phrase of Ecuadorian Quechua. Dordrecht: Foris. Muysken, P. 1986. A note on passive-like statives in Quechua, Revue Québecoise Linguistique, 15, 109-120.
234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication chains: Case and argument status in Quechua and Turkish. Linguistic Inquiry, 20.4:627-645. Muysken, P. 1994. Inflection and agreement properties of quantifiers in Quechua. In P. Cole et al. (Eds.) Language in the Andes. University of Delaware. Parker, G. J. 1969-1971. Comparative Quechua phonology and grammar I-V, University of Hawaii Working Papers in Linguistics. Partee, B. 1976. Some transformational extensions of Montague grammar. In B. Partee (ed.), Montague Grammar. New York: Academic Press. Partee, B. 1987. Noun phrase interpretation and type-shifting principles. In J. Groenendijk et al. (eds), Studies in Discourse Representation Theory and the Theory of Generalized Quantifiers, Foris, GRASS 8. Dordrecht. Payne, J. 1999. Cuentos cusqueños. Cuzco: CBC. Pollard, C. & I. Sag. 1994. Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, and Stanford: CSLI. Ross, J.R. 1973. You take the high node and I’ll take the low node. Papers from the Comparative Syntax Festival. Chicago: U. of Chicago Linguistics Society. Rothstein, S. 1995. Adverbial quantification over events, Natural Language Semantics, 3:1-31. Saito, M. 1985. Some Asymmetries in Japanese and Their Theoretical Implications. Doctoral dissertation, MIT: Cambridge. Sánchez, L. 1996. Syntactic Structures in Nominals: A Comparative Study of Spanish and Southern Quechua. PhD dissertation, U. Southern California. Sánchez, L. 1999a. Why does Southern Quechua agree in person nominally? MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics, 17:131-147. Sánchez, L. 1999b. Null objects in contact varieties of Spanish, in J-M Authier et al., Eds., Formal Perspectives on Romance Linguistics, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schultze-Berndt, E. & N. P. Himmelmann. 2004. Depictive secondary predicates in cross-linguistic perspective, Linguistic Typology, 8:1. Sells, P. 1986. Coreference and bound anaphora: A restatement of the facts,’ NELS
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245 and 246: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 247 and 248: 230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
Page 249: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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