the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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111 marker is dispreferred. (4.9) [[Ñuka I wasi-(??pi) house-loc ‘The house I live in’ kausa-shka]] live-nm (IQ) 4.2.2.3 What can be a head Whereas in IQ there seems to be no direct connection between the Case-marking on a subordinate clause DP and its possible interpretation as an internal head, in CQ there is a strict relationship between these things: we have seen in Chapter 3 that only null-marked arguments can be CQ internal heads. Furthermore, CQ subjects may be internal heads as long as the subject-head nominalizer -q appears on the verb, since in these cases subjects have no overt Case marking. That IQ allows a wide variety of internal heads is illustrated in (4.10) and (4.11) below, showing a locative and a time adjunct head respectively. (4.10) [[Ñuka I bus-pi bus-loc ‘The bus I came in’ shamu-shka]] come-nm (IQ) (4.11) [[ñuka I chay that punlla-pi day-loc ‘the day that I arrived’ (C187a) chaya-shka]]-ka arrive-nm(past)-top (IQ) The equivalent IHRs in Cuzco Quechua are ungrammatical, as shown in (4.12) and (4.13). (4.12) *nuqa-q I-gen bus-pi bus-loc ‘the bus I came in’ hamu-sqa-y come-nm-1sg (CQ) (4.13) *nuqa-q I-gen chay dem ‘the day I arrived’ p’unchay-pi day-loc chaya-mu-sqa-y arrive-cis-nm-1sg (CQ)
112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows adjunct external heads in all of the above examples, in which cases the head does not receive its subordinate clause case-marking. Examples are given in (4.14) and (4.15). (4.14) [[ñuka I shamu-shka] arrive-nm ‘The bus I arrived in’ bus] bus (IQ) (4.15) [[Chay that ñuka I chaya-shka] arrive-nm ‘That day that I arrived’ punlla] day (IQ) 4.2.2.4 Nominalizing morphology We have seen that CQ distinguishes by means of nominalization morphology on the verb of a relative clause whether it is the subject or a non-subject of the clause which is the head. In general, IQ does not make this distinction. Rather, the nominalizers -shka, -k and -na relate to the tense of the subordinate clause as compared to the matrix clause. Roughly, they correspond to past, present and future tense of the subordinate clause compared with the main clause. 5 However, it appears that 5 The discussion in [Cole 1985 p.185] of this point implies that for his consultants, in the present tense of an IHR the choice of suffix can in fact determine the identity of the head (that is, -shka indicates a non-subject head while -k indicates a subject head. This results in a situation in which IQ IHRs and EHRs can employ different nominalizers even if they are identical in every other way except for the position of the head. From the description in Cole [1985], this occurs in the case of presenttense, non-subject relativization. Cole’s descriptions imply that (ii) should also have the present tense reading. (i) [ñuka ∅ kawsa-j] wayku I live-nm(pres) mountain gap ‘the mountain gap where I live’ (C184b) (ii) ñuka wayku-pi kawa-shka I mountain gap-loc live-nm(past,pres/non-subj) ‘the mountain gap where I lived’ (C188b) ‘the mountain gap where I live’ (predicted by Cole’s description) Note that in (i) the nominalizer is -j while in (ii) it is -shka. (IQ) (IQ)
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
Page 77 and 78: 60 which show a subject internal he
Page 79 and 80: 62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
Page 81 and 82: 64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
Page 83 and 84: 66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
Page 85 and 86: 68 This is the analysis given in [C
Page 87 and 88: 70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90: 72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91 and 92: 74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94: 76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139 and 140: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 141 and 142: 124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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