the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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Bibliography Abney, S. 1987. The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect. PhD dissertation, MIT. Abusch, D. 1994. The scope of indefinites, Natural Language Semantics. 2:83-135. Adelaar, W. 1977. Tarma Quechua, Leiden: Brill. Bach, E. & R. Cooper. 1978. A note on the interpretation of adjoined relative clauses. Linguistics and Philosophy, 5:473-482. Bach, E. et al. 1995. Introduction to Bach et al. (eds.), Quantification in Natural Languages. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Barker, C. 1995. Possessive Descriptions. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Barwise, J. and R. Cooper. 1981. Generalized quantifiers and natural language. Linguistics and Philosophy, 4.159-219. Basilico, D. 1996. Head position and internally headed relative clause. Language, 72.3 498-532. Belletti, A. 1988. The Case of unaccusatives. Linguistics Inquiry, 19,1. Bianchi, V. 1995. Consequences of Antisymmetry for the Syntax of Headed Relative Clauses. Doctoral Dissertation, Pisa: Scuola Normale Superior. Bianchi, V. 1999. Consequences of Antisymmetry: Headed Relative Clauses. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Bianchi, V. 2000. The raising analysis of relative clauses: a reply to Borsley. Linguistic Inquiry, 31.1.123-140. Bianchi, V. 2002. Some issues in the syntax of relative determiners, in A. Alexiadou et al. (Eds.) The Syntax of Relative Clauses. Amsterdam: John Benjamin. 229
230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995. Remarks on definiteness in Warlpiri. In Bach et al. (eds.), Quantification in Natural Languages. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Borsley, R. 1997. Relative clauses and the theory of phrase structure. Linguistic Inquiry, 28.4.629-647. Bowers, J. 1993. The syntax of predication, Linguistic Inquiry, 24:4.591-656. Bowers, J. 1990. The syntax and semantics of nominals. Semantics and Linguistic Theory, 1.1-31. Bowers, J. 2002. Transitivity, Linguistic Inquiry, 33:2.183-224. Cerrón-Palomino, R. 1987. Lingüística Quechua. Cuzco: Bartolomé de las Casas. Choe, J. 1987. Anti-Quantifiers and a Theory of Distributivity. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 2000. Minimalist inquiries. In R. Martin et al. (eds.), Step By Step. Cambridge: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 2001a. Derivation by phase. Ken Hale: a Life in Language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 1-52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 2001b. Beyond explanatory adequacy. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics 20.. Cole, P. 1985. Imbabura Quechua. Kent: Croom Helm. Cole, P. 1987a. The structure of internally headed relative clauses. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 5.277-302. Cole, P. 1987b. Null objects in universal grammar. Linguistic Inquiry, 18.4: 597- 612. Cole, P. & G. Hermon. 1981. Subjecthood and islandhood: evidence from Quechua, Linguistic Inquiry, 12:1.1-30. Cole, P. & G. Hermon. 1994. Is there LF wh-movement? Linguistic Inquiry, 25:2.239-262. Cole, P., G. Hermon & W. Harbert. 1982. Headless relative clauses in Quechua, IJAL 48, 113-125.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
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72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
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74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
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76 possibility is that the Case of
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78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
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80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
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82 the feature sets of each D are c
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84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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86 Given the discussion thus far th
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88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
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90 reconstruction of the head (in t
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92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
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94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
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96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
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98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
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100 Consider their examples (3.90)
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102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
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104 analysis presented here also pr
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106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
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108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
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110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
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112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
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114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
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116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
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118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
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120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
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122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
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124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains
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126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
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128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
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130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
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132 allowing an external interpreta
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134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
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136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
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138 Positive evidence that the exte
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140 For example, in a context which
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142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
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144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
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146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
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148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
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Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
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5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
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154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
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156 position, or is kay more like E
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158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
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160 is agreeing in some default way
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162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
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164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
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166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
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168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
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170 Adoption of the partitive Case
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172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
Page 195 and 196: 178 I will argue that the overt pre
Page 197 and 198: 180 Although differing in some deta
Page 199 and 200: 182 are typically either full DPs o
Page 201 and 202: 184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
Page 203 and 204: 186 of the preposition into the exi
Page 205 and 206: 188 marking and with overt possesso
Page 207 and 208: 190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
Page 209 and 210: 192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
Page 211 and 212: Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
Page 213 and 214: 196 appear separated from the noun.
Page 215 and 216: 198 The phenomenon I am considering
Page 217 and 218: 200 Other quantifiers that appear D
Page 219 and 220: 202 be associated to any element wi
Page 221 and 222: 204 sample analysis for an instance
Page 223 and 224: 206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
Page 225 and 226: 208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
Page 227 and 228: 210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
Page 229 and 230: 212 Also striking in this regard ar
Page 231 and 232: 214 configuration of a discontinuou
Page 233 and 234: 216 from encoding definite DPs. In
Page 235 and 236: 218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
Page 237 and 238: 220 the analysis I have outlined he
Page 239 and 240: 222 in adjunct positions at all, an
Page 241 and 242: 224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
Page 243 and 244: 226 tants, but the intervening suff
Page 245: 228 Without the intermediary level,
Page 249 and 250: 232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
Page 251 and 252: 234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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