the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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123 (4.30) CP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ CP i TP ✏ ✏ ✏✏✏✏✏✏✏✏ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP VP Juzi tukuilla yaku-ta apamu-shka-ta ✟ ✟✟ ❍ ❍ Jose brought all the water Ana-ka DP V ✟❍ pro t i upya-rka drank In (4.31), I show an example of a CQ IHR with head raising and determiner incorporation as discussed in Chapter 3. This type of head movement is similar to that proposed in [Bianchi 2000], and uses example (4.26) as a model. (4.31) TP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟✟✟✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP VP ❍ ❍ ❍ Nuqa ❍ ❍ I ✟ ✟✟✟✟✟✟✟✟ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP V ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟✟✟ D ✟❍ all j D ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ CP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟✟ CP ✏ ✏✏✏✏✏✏ taytay-pa e i ruwa-sqa-n-ta my father built ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ DP i ✏ ✏ t j wasi houses muna-ni like
124 4.4.3 How the analysis explains the CQ/IQ semantic differences Let us now reconsider the four distinctions between CQ and IQ from 4.4.1 in light of the above structures. First, given that the necessity for head-raising distinguishes IQ from CQ, the fact that the internal head is highly ambiguous in Imbabura Quechua, while unambiguous in Cuzco Quechua follows immediately. Essentially, in IQ, head identity is established purely pragmatically through an anaphoric relationship with a nominal in the embedded clause. In CQ, on the other hand, the head is identified structurally; it is the un-Casemarked nominal, which must raise, as described in Chapter 3. Next we turn to the observation that adjuncts can be internal heads in Imbabura Quechua but not Cuzco Quechua. The reason for this under the current analysis must be that adjuncts can be selected pragmatically but not structurally. Here I assume that nominals which are not θ-marked by the subordinate verb must receive non-structural Case within their clause. The third difference between the two dialects is that an internal interpretation of universally quantified heads is possible in IQ but not in CQ. I propose that the reason for this is again that an IQ subordinate clause can be interpreted as a sentence. Therefore, all RC-internal quantifiers remain relative clause-internal at LF and have internal scope. In CQ, head-raising leads to scope of the Determiner over the subordinate clause via determiner incorporation as discussed in Chapter 3. Finally, recall that overt Case-marking on a head is possible in IQ but not in CQ. This can be explained if in IQ, no element need raise, and hence all subordinate DPs can be Case-marked within the subordinate clause.
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF RELATIV
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Biographical Sketch Rachel Hastings
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Acknowledgements When I entered the
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through valuable courses and commen
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I have also been the beneficiary of
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Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1
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5 Existential and Possessive Senten
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List of Abbreviations abl=ablative
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2 The most immediate puzzle of Quec
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4 the availability of slightly diff
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6 goal to the probe H. The detailed
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8 1.3 Background on Quechua This se
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10 1.3.2 Morphosyntax In this secti
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12 that complement clauses exhibit
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14 used is a combination of traditi
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16 tactically, it poses a challenge
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18 (2.4) DP ✟ ✟✟ ✟ ❍❍
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20 clause (specifically, she sugges
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22 2.2.3 Culy 1990 Culy [1990] prov
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24 To explain this phenomenon, Basi
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26 function g c assigns to the inde
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28 Since Quechua allows a great dea
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30 Table 2.1: Cuzco Quechua Quantif
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32 head. Furthermore, these sentenc
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34 basic syntactic analysis given h
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36 something about pisi which induc
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38 (2.41) LF head-raising in (2.40)
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40 (2.42) Kayne’s head-raising ap
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42 In general, other weak and stron
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44 as an example. This sentence is
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46 Note that the matrix clause dist
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48 some English consultants find th
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50 However, -nka may not appear on
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52 EHR sentence (2.61) is the stron
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Chapter 3 The Syntax of Head-Raisin
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56 Note that for a head-raising ana
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58 (3.7) Juan-pa wasi-n Juan-gen ho
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60 which show a subject internal he
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62 (3.26) [[Rumi stone riku-sqa-y]
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64 The tree in (3.30) shows the S-s
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66 Bianchi suggests that it is the
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68 This is the analysis given in [C
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70 (3.43) Mariya Maria Juan-ta Juan
Page 89 and 90: 72 First (3.45) and (3.46) illustra
Page 91 and 92: 74 (3.49) CP (3.47). TP ❍ ✟ ✟
Page 93 and 94: 76 possibility is that the Case of
Page 95 and 96: 78 sitions. The derivation of (3.51
Page 97 and 98: 80 3.3.2.4 Why no -∅-marking in a
Page 99 and 100: 82 the feature sets of each D are c
Page 101 and 102: 84 (3.54) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 103 and 104: 86 Given the discussion thus far th
Page 105 and 106: 88 (3.60) IP ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍ ❍
Page 107 and 108: 90 reconstruction of the head (in t
Page 109 and 110: 92 (3.66) [[naranja orange ch’arw
Page 111 and 112: 94 (3.74) DP ✟ ❍❍ ✟ ✟✟
Page 113 and 114: 96 (3.80) *[[pro pro [[e] e Lima-pi
Page 115 and 116: 98 Despite the similarity in (3.83)
Page 117 and 118: 100 Consider their examples (3.90)
Page 119 and 120: 102 (3.95) *Santiyagu Santiago Xwan
Page 121 and 122: 104 analysis presented here also pr
Page 123 and 124: 106 Recall that Cuzco Quechua and I
Page 125 and 126: 108 The cognate nominalizers -sqa (
Page 127 and 128: 110 (4.7) [wayna-q boy-gen waka cow
Page 129 and 130: 112 Furthermore, like CQ, IQ allows
Page 131 and 132: 114 of possessor-noun agreement. Th
Page 133 and 134: 116 (4.18) CP ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍ ❍
Page 135 and 136: 118 (merged with n or v) to n or v
Page 137 and 138: 120 and in the pattern of Case-mark
Page 139: 122 4.4.1.4 Overt Case marking on a
Page 143 and 144: 126 Examples (4.32) to (4.39) show
Page 145 and 146: 128 (4.40) *[[Marya Maria [warmi wo
Page 147 and 148: 130 of (4.38) and (4.39). On the ot
Page 149 and 150: 132 allowing an external interpreta
Page 151 and 152: 134 4.5.3.1 Distribution of pro Sin
Page 153 and 154: 136 (4.66) [[[e] Mishki-ta candy-ac
Page 155 and 156: 138 Positive evidence that the exte
Page 157 and 158: 140 For example, in a context which
Page 159 and 160: 142 (4.83) DP ❍ ✟ ✟✟✟ ❍
Page 161 and 162: 144 (4.85) and (4.86) are examples
Page 163 and 164: 146 (4.93) [ñuka I wasi-*(pi) hous
Page 165 and 166: 148 (4.97) Empty external head posi
Page 167 and 168: Chapter 5 Existential and Possessiv
Page 169 and 170: 5.2 The basic facts of Cuzco Quechu
Page 171 and 172: 154 (5.9) Maria-q llama-n-kuna Mari
Page 173 and 174: 156 position, or is kay more like E
Page 175 and 176: 158 5.3.1 Quechua adverbial evidenc
Page 177 and 178: 160 is agreeing in some default way
Page 179 and 180: 162 5.3.2 Relative clause morpholog
Page 181 and 182: 164 (5.37) Llaqta-y-pi ka-q/*ka-sqa
Page 183 and 184: 166 5.3.3 The syntax of CQ existent
Page 185 and 186: 168 (5.44) Initial view of the stru
Page 187 and 188: 170 Adoption of the partitive Case
Page 189 and 190: 172 In the following sections I wil
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174 According to Freeze, there is n
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176 (5.62) Mari-nak mari-dat van-na
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178 I will argue that the overt pre
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180 Although differing in some deta
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182 are typically either full DPs o
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184 (5.82) Nuqa I [Gabriela-q Gabri
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186 of the preposition into the exi
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188 marking and with overt possesso
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190 (5.93) Pilar-pa mihuna wasi-n k
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192 (5.100) [[[Waka-q cow-gen uña-
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Chapter 6 The Semantics of Disconti
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196 appear separated from the noun.
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198 The phenomenon I am considering
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200 Other quantifiers that appear D
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202 be associated to any element wi
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204 sample analysis for an instance
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206 6.3.2 Semantic effects of co-Ca
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208 (6.32) (a) [Ana-q pisi llama-n]
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210 Sánchez [1996] suggests that w
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212 Also striking in this regard ar
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214 configuration of a discontinuou
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216 from encoding definite DPs. In
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218 wasi ‘house’ can be extract
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220 the analysis I have outlined he
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222 in adjunct positions at all, an
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224 (6.59) Sapa 2 /*llapan/*tukuy [
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226 tants, but the intervening suff
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228 Without the intermediary level,
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230 Bittner, M. and K. Hale. 1995.
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232 Hastings, R. 2001. The interpre
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234 Muysken, P. 1989. Predication c
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