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the syntax and semantics of relativization and quantification

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199<br />

chapter I focus on -ta co-Casemarking since this phenomenon provides <strong>the</strong> most<br />

frequent <strong>and</strong> robust data. However, my analysis will not depend crucially on <strong>the</strong> Tr<br />

head (as discussed in Chapter 3) being <strong>the</strong> sole licensor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> double Case-marking,<br />

<strong>and</strong> in fact this is unlikely to be <strong>the</strong> case. I will return to <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

environment in which <strong>the</strong> apparent extraction from DP is licensed in Section 6.4.3.<br />

Besides <strong>the</strong> cases <strong>of</strong> <strong>quantification</strong> <strong>and</strong> (restrictive) modification considered here,<br />

<strong>the</strong>re are o<strong>the</strong>r situations in which <strong>the</strong> same Case marker may be used twice in<br />

Quechua, most <strong>of</strong> which I am unable to address here in detail. These include ambiguous<br />

Case markers, conjunctions, appositives, <strong>and</strong> secondary predicates. Ambiguous<br />

Case-marking is discussed in Section 6.3. Conjunctions I leave aside as<br />

clearly distinct from <strong>the</strong> phenomenon under study here. Appositives <strong>and</strong> secondary<br />

predicates, however, can sometimes appear syntactically ra<strong>the</strong>r similar to <strong>the</strong> constructions<br />

under study here. In fact, besides <strong>the</strong> semantic distinctions one piece <strong>of</strong><br />

evidence showing that <strong>the</strong>y do constitute different constructions altoge<strong>the</strong>r is that<br />

<strong>the</strong>y allow co-Casemarking <strong>of</strong> oblique as well as structural Case. In some cases co-<br />

Casemarking constructions may in fact be structurally ambiguous, <strong>and</strong> an example<br />

<strong>and</strong> brief discussion are provided below in footnote 2.<br />

6.2.2 Quantifiers<br />

In this section I give fur<strong>the</strong>r background on <strong>the</strong> Quechua quantifiers in question. I<br />

claim that <strong>the</strong> basic use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quantifiers is as D-quantifiers, or “determiner-like”<br />

quantifiers (in <strong>the</strong> vocabulary <strong>of</strong> [Bach et al. 1995]). An example is shown in (6.14).<br />

(6.14) wakin ‘some (<strong>of</strong>)’<br />

ayni-ta-qa<br />

work.exchange-acc-top<br />

ru-ra-yku<br />

do-past-1pl(excl.)<br />

[waki-lla-n<br />

some-delim-3<br />

‘...only some peasants did <strong>the</strong> work exchange.’ (GCM p.36)<br />

paisano]...<br />

peasant

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