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Sievers suggests that in contemporary Albania one can discern national <strong>and</strong> local<br />

mythohistories which are interwoven <strong>and</strong> related because they are used by the politics in both<br />

ways. Both national <strong>and</strong> local uses <strong>of</strong> myths have the capacity to transfer the ideological<br />

pressure for conformity from central settings to a plurality <strong>of</strong> new settings <strong>and</strong> back again<br />

(ibid.).<br />

In the following pages I present oral <strong>and</strong> written mythohistories that address the origin <strong>of</strong> the<br />

people <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara <strong>and</strong> their past. Both oral <strong>and</strong> written mythohistories are nowadays<br />

providing an important substance for the local people as well as by the contemporary<br />

historiography. Debates <strong>and</strong> negotiations <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara people’s origin can <strong>of</strong>ten be<br />

heard in kafeneia, where the elderly village men gather every day. I, as a young married<br />

woman, a foreign resident (Slovena) <strong>and</strong> anthropologos, considered to be interested in the<br />

local customs, habits (ta palia enthimata) <strong>and</strong> “history” (istoria), was granted only a limited<br />

access to kafeneias (pl.), known as men’s places (cf. Campbell 1964, Herzfeld 1985, <strong>and</strong><br />

partly Cowan 1991), where the only woman usually present was the waitress. The village<br />

women avoided entering kafeneia. They came in only occasionally, when they had to buy<br />

some goods (bread, for example) or if they wanted to fetch their male relatives. After a couple<br />

<strong>of</strong> months in the village I befriended the daughter <strong>of</strong> the c<strong>of</strong>fee-shop owner <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

accompanied her on visits to her father’s kafeneio, where we discussed different matters with<br />

her male relatives. I collected most <strong>of</strong> the stories from the past during my visits to different<br />

households, when I also collected census data. Other stories were told to me during occasional<br />

chats with the villagers whom I met on the streets or in the cafeteria 63 on the coast, where I<br />

worked for <strong>of</strong> some weeks in the summer.<br />

In the first part <strong>of</strong> the following subchapters I juxtapose the oral <strong>and</strong> written accounts in order<br />

to show how the differences between them are vague <strong>and</strong> porous. In the second part I present<br />

an additional perspective <strong>of</strong> the written accounts <strong>of</strong> contemporary historiographers <strong>and</strong> other<br />

scholars, who discuss the past, customs <strong>and</strong> habits <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara municipality <strong>and</strong> its<br />

villages. By presenting the accounts <strong>of</strong> local (coming from Dhërmi/Drimades or<br />

Himarë/Himara area) <strong>and</strong> national scholars (coming from other places throughout Albania) I<br />

illustrate how their views about particular significant events from the history <strong>of</strong> Albania <strong>and</strong><br />

63 In difference to kafeneia or c<strong>of</strong>feeshops that are like elsewhere in Albania, Greece <strong>and</strong> “Eastern” Europe<br />

regarded as men’s places where the “manhood is performed” (cf. Campbell 1964, Herzfeld 1985, Cowan 1991)<br />

cafeterias are considered a modern version <strong>of</strong> bars that appeared in Dhërmi/Drimades after 1990. While the<br />

kafeneia are generally populated by men, cafeterias are mainly visited by youth <strong>and</strong> young couples.<br />

112

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