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paid to the constructors for their 5 months <strong>of</strong> work while the rest he spent for materials,<br />

transport, arranging the water supply, electricity etc.). Since Behar <strong>and</strong> Ana moved in his<br />

house, Ana was doing all the housework while Behar was helping Dimitris with construction<br />

<strong>and</strong> other physical work. With the help <strong>of</strong> his Greek pension, economized throughout years<br />

<strong>and</strong> with remittances sent by his children <strong>and</strong> wife, Dimitris completed the second floor <strong>of</strong><br />

their house, where they nowadays live. For this he spent another 15.000 Euros. To the hired<br />

constructors, people explain, he paid again around 5.000 Euro for five months <strong>of</strong> work. As he<br />

was now helped by Behar <strong>and</strong> his in-law who moved with his family to Dimitris’ house in<br />

2002, he also gave them some extra money (around 500 Euros each). At present Ana, Behar,<br />

their two years old son <strong>and</strong> their in-laws are living in a separate part <strong>of</strong> the Dimitris’ new<br />

house. Whenever Behar <strong>and</strong> his in-law are not helping Dimitris, they are doing occasional<br />

work for other elderly villagers, who usually hire them for one to five days <strong>and</strong> pay them with<br />

the money from their Greek <strong>and</strong> Albanian pensions. For their physical work Behar <strong>and</strong> his inlaw<br />

are paid around 10 to 15 Euro per day, like the rest <strong>of</strong> the new coming workers. Behar<br />

spends a part <strong>of</strong> the earnings for his living costs, economizes the other part, while some <strong>of</strong> the<br />

money occasionally goes to his or Ana’s family in Shkodra <strong>and</strong> Lushnja. Dimitris has a very<br />

good opinion about Behar <strong>and</strong> Ana <strong>and</strong> they also speak respectfully about him. Though many<br />

<strong>of</strong> the locals do not agree with Dimitri’s cohabitation with “Albanian family”, they respect<br />

Behar who is perceived as a good <strong>and</strong> fair worker, “not like other Turkos who came here to<br />

steal from the locals <strong>and</strong> take advantage <strong>of</strong> them”.<br />

It seems that monthly pensions that the majority <strong>of</strong> the locals receive from the Greek<br />

government help to create well-being in the daily practice <strong>of</strong> the inhabitants <strong>of</strong><br />

Dhërmi/Drimades. They allow easier return for those elderly villagers who lived <strong>and</strong> worked<br />

in Greece for some period <strong>and</strong> they also give young families originating from other places <strong>of</strong><br />

Albania a possibility <strong>of</strong> employment in their home country.<br />

Distinctions between locals <strong>and</strong> outsiders or “newcomers” are also a constructive <strong>and</strong><br />

constitutive part <strong>of</strong> the identification process along with different categorizations <strong>and</strong><br />

continuous hierarchizations <strong>of</strong> the notion <strong>of</strong> “local”. As Gupta <strong>and</strong> Ferguson suggest, the term<br />

“local” is not something separate from regional, national, international or global. The<br />

perception <strong>of</strong> locality is not given but is discursively <strong>and</strong> historically constructed together<br />

with the community (Gupta <strong>and</strong> Ferguson 2001: 6). Gupta <strong>and</strong> Ferguson suggest that instead<br />

<strong>of</strong> studying what locality is, it is better to focus on how it is formed <strong>and</strong> lived in all its<br />

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