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INTRODUCTION<br />

I was led to the study <strong>of</strong> spatial concepts by a long path, grounded in my interest for the<br />

anthropology <strong>of</strong> Melanesia. As an under<strong>graduate</strong> student (1996-2001) I conducted a shortterm<br />

research in one <strong>of</strong> the villages <strong>of</strong> Oro province in Papua New Guinea. I continued with<br />

post<strong>graduate</strong> studies, completing a bit longer fieldwork on the Goodenough Isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> Papua<br />

New Guinea. At that time, during the writing <strong>of</strong> my M.A. thesis, I became interested in the<br />

conceptualisations <strong>of</strong> space <strong>and</strong> place following the l<strong>and</strong> tenure conflicts that seemed to<br />

constitute the most important issue not only in Bwaidoga village but also elsewhere on<br />

Goodenough <strong>and</strong> Papua New Guinea in general. In trying to resolve their disputes over the<br />

l<strong>and</strong>ownership, people there <strong>of</strong>ten resorted to “customary” principles by recalling myths 4 <strong>and</strong><br />

local genealogies, which were, due to the political, economical, social <strong>and</strong> cultural changes,<br />

reconstructed <strong>and</strong> appropriated anew. These relations between l<strong>and</strong> conflicts <strong>and</strong> continuous<br />

reconstruction <strong>of</strong> peoples’ identity, belonging <strong>and</strong> locatedness stimulated my interest in the<br />

studies <strong>of</strong> spatial notions such as place, space, location <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>scape.<br />

Paths <strong>and</strong> tracks that a student takes throughout her/his doctoral research <strong>of</strong>ten collide with<br />

different entanglements <strong>and</strong> barriers before reaching the final point. The path <strong>of</strong> my doctoral<br />

research met such barrier in its very start, when I was trying to obtain a research visa to<br />

conduct a longer fieldwork in Papua New Guinea. In the middle <strong>of</strong> a difficult period, I shared<br />

my worries with a colleague from my student years. She asked me a crucial question: “Is it<br />

possible to do fieldwork somewhere else <strong>and</strong> maintain the same topic <strong>of</strong> your interest?” <strong>and</strong><br />

suggested that I could do my fieldwork perhaps more easily in a number <strong>of</strong> other locations in<br />

“Albania, for instance, which was a completely isolated country no more than 14 years ago”.<br />

Shortly after my discussion with a friend I went on a preliminary visit (September 2004) to<br />

different places in Albania, especially those in its southern part. It was then <strong>and</strong> there that I<br />

decided to follow my interest in spatial concepts <strong>and</strong> to conduct my ethnographic fieldwork in<br />

one <strong>of</strong> the coastal villages <strong>of</strong> the Himarë/Himara area. Between December 2004 <strong>and</strong><br />

December 2005 I spent twelve months in Southern Albania. Why did I choose<br />

Himarë/Himara <strong>and</strong>, as it turned out, the village <strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades? There is no straight<br />

answer to this question. It seems that a combination <strong>of</strong> different factors guided my decision.<br />

4 On myths <strong>and</strong> their relation to decsent group's origins in Bwaidoga village, Papua New Guinea I discussed in<br />

Bwaidogan Myths <strong>of</strong> Origin (2003: 61-87).<br />

26

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