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area are located in the region <strong>of</strong> Northern Epirus; on the other h<strong>and</strong>, however, from the<br />

perspective <strong>of</strong> the legal policies <strong>and</strong> the public opinion in Albania they are located in Southern<br />

Albania. These ambiguous locations lead further to the ambiguities in peoples’ identification,<br />

where the Northern Epirot can mean both the Albanian <strong>and</strong>/or the Greek; <strong>and</strong> where the Greek<br />

speaking Christian Orthodox can be identified as the Albanian citizen <strong>of</strong> Greek nationality<br />

<strong>and</strong>/or the Albanian citizen <strong>and</strong>/or the member <strong>of</strong> the Greek national minority.<br />

According to Sarah Green (2005: 12) the ambiguity “can be as hegemonic <strong>and</strong> subject to<br />

disciplinary regimes as clarity; confusion, lack <strong>of</strong> means to pin things down”. She maintains<br />

that amongst the people <strong>of</strong> Pogoni these ambiguities are generated “as positive assertions <strong>and</strong><br />

constructions <strong>of</strong> truth: ‘This is the Balkans Sarah; what did you expect’” (ibid.). Contrary to<br />

the people <strong>of</strong> Pogoni the people <strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades do not explain the ambiguities, lack <strong>of</strong><br />

clarity <strong>and</strong> confusions with a common place such as the Balkans, but ascribe them to Albania.<br />

Fluidity <strong>and</strong> indeterminacy <strong>of</strong> Albanian places are <strong>of</strong>ten described with the following words:<br />

“Edo einai Alvania. Monoha pseumata. Simera lene etsi kai avrio anapoda” (“This is<br />

Albania. Only lies. Today they say this <strong>and</strong> tomorrow the contrary”).<br />

In everyday conversations <strong>of</strong> local people Albania is defined in opposition to European<br />

Union. The latter is thought <strong>of</strong> as a cluster <strong>of</strong> countries <strong>of</strong> the Western Europe, where people<br />

<strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades locate Greece, Italy, Germany <strong>and</strong> Austria. In contrast to European<br />

Union, which is seen as ordered, fixed <strong>and</strong> stable, Albania is defined as disordered, mixed <strong>and</strong><br />

unstable. The term “Balkans” 10 is used more in a political <strong>and</strong> media discourse than in the<br />

everyday talk in the village. Compared to the “ordered” Western Europe it carries rather a<br />

pejorative meaning (e.g. “turbulent Balkans” - cf. Todorova 1997: 45)<br />

Today, following their emigration to Greece <strong>and</strong> regular returns to their natal village during<br />

the summer, the people <strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades redefine their place <strong>and</strong> map it onto a<br />

geopolitical map as the predominant way <strong>of</strong> organizing the space. They see the village side by<br />

side with Greece <strong>and</strong> European Union. For them the Albanian border is situated north <strong>of</strong><br />

Himarë/Himara area. This kind <strong>of</strong> mapping continually produces a hierarchy <strong>of</strong> places, where<br />

power <strong>and</strong> place dynamically constitute each other, depending on historically contingent <strong>and</strong><br />

politically shaped social context. I will question this kind <strong>of</strong> hierarchy throughout my thesis.<br />

10 More on the notion <strong>of</strong> the Balkans <strong>and</strong> its discursive meanings see Norris (1999), Bjelić <strong>and</strong> Savić (2002),<br />

Todorova (1997, 2004); <strong>and</strong> for thr Balkans as hegemonic concept see Green (2005).<br />

39

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