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university of nova gorica graduate school contested spaces and ...

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These multiple voices are revealed through people’s stories presented in Chapter One. They<br />

tell us about how the size <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara area has changed through centuries; how names<br />

<strong>of</strong> the villages <strong>and</strong> people have always been ambiguous <strong>and</strong> changeable; how people’s selfdeclaration<br />

can change; which languages were present <strong>and</strong> how they were intertwined; how<br />

numerous the chapels <strong>and</strong> religious practices are; how population can be counted <strong>and</strong><br />

categorized in opposing ways; <strong>and</strong> how underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> kinship, its inclusion or exclusion,<br />

can also change. All these stories are similar to the remembrances <strong>of</strong> older villagers: they map<br />

different kinds <strong>of</strong> village locatedness. The stories are caught in a continuous process <strong>of</strong><br />

(be)coming. Therefore, they escape fixed <strong>and</strong> closed categories, which different political <strong>and</strong><br />

economical administrations or even people themselves, are trying to impose.<br />

Chapter Two tries to uncover the history in order to relate this unpredictable changeability to<br />

its historical context. The history is today, in post-communist Albania, redefined through a<br />

process <strong>of</strong> re-writing the past. All <strong>of</strong> the ambiguities regarding people’s names <strong>and</strong> place<br />

names, minority issues, belonging <strong>and</strong> locatedness <strong>of</strong> the village become in this way a part <strong>of</strong><br />

single-mindedness, a subject <strong>of</strong> unifying view <strong>of</strong> the past, which serves to reach the goals <strong>of</strong><br />

the present time. An overview <strong>of</strong> historiographers’ works (especially those published during<br />

last seven years), which either represent a pro-Albanian, pro-Greek or pro-local points <strong>of</strong><br />

view, shows us how these historiographers try to situate the village on a historical <strong>and</strong><br />

geopolitical map <strong>of</strong> nation-states. Their discourse shows that they conceptualize nation-states<br />

as solid entities, which divide people according to their language, territory, <strong>and</strong> national<br />

belonging since ever.<br />

Changeable numbers, self-declaration <strong>and</strong> village names find their unity <strong>and</strong> singularity in<br />

national categories, which were enforced upon people’s lives during the times <strong>of</strong> communism.<br />

The three-meter high, high-voltage fence has at that time clearly marked the state border, not<br />

only on the political map <strong>of</strong> Europe, but also in everyday life <strong>of</strong> the people, who were<br />

exclusively defined as either Albanian or Greek. When the state border cut the road in half the<br />

movements <strong>and</strong> travels between both parts <strong>of</strong> the area were firstly obstructed in 1913 <strong>and</strong> then<br />

completely stopped after 1945. Although peoples’ movements continued, they changed their<br />

direction towards the interior <strong>of</strong> the country.<br />

I have shown throughout my thesis that the construction <strong>of</strong> space is continuous <strong>and</strong><br />

irreversible process. People <strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades themselves participate in this construction<br />

215

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