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from the hills in the neighbourhood.” She mentions the absent father, who was sent to<br />

Yugoslavia by the Workers Party in the period <strong>of</strong> communism. Her memories <strong>of</strong> childhood,<br />

the family <strong>and</strong> times <strong>of</strong> famine in the village additionally determine the space. “While she was<br />

building this house our father was away. The Partia sent him to Yugoslavia in 1947. He left<br />

my mother with three children – me <strong>and</strong> my two sisters – alone in the village […], we were<br />

experiencing great famine.” Olgha states, similarly to Aspasia, that famine was the main<br />

reason for women to walk across the mountains to places behind them. She names some <strong>of</strong><br />

these places in the region <strong>of</strong> Labëria, which puts the story back on the map: “we were<br />

experiencing great famine. With other locals she crossed the mountains to Vranisht or Trubaç<br />

in Labëria to exchange […].” These places are again determined by trading <strong>of</strong> the goods,<br />

which were then <strong>of</strong>ten taken from women by robbers on their way home. Olgha also mentions<br />

the approximate time <strong>of</strong> these events: before <strong>and</strong> during the World War II (1918-1945).<br />

When the stories above are analysed according to de Certeau’s theoretical framework <strong>of</strong><br />

stories as spatial practices, his notion <strong>of</strong> “geographies <strong>of</strong> actions” is confirmed. Stories<br />

continually organize <strong>and</strong> transform the space into places or “stops” <strong>and</strong> vice versa. Stories are<br />

thus not a passive illustration <strong>of</strong> spatial transformations, but are actively involved in the<br />

transformations <strong>of</strong> <strong>spaces</strong>, places, paths <strong>and</strong> borders.<br />

The sea <strong>and</strong> the mountains are defined as spatial boundaries, which simultaneously separate<br />

<strong>and</strong> connect the village with other places in Greece, Italy, United States, Yugoslavia <strong>and</strong><br />

Albania. The memories <strong>of</strong> story-tellers about their ancestors’ paths construct the social maps.<br />

Village is represented as a central place in them with all other places related to it. These<br />

spatial arrangements are distinct <strong>and</strong> redefine <strong>and</strong> shift the village’s “whereness”.<br />

3.4. “Whereness” <strong>of</strong> Dhërmi/Drimades<br />

The picture below shows the construction <strong>of</strong> space in Frosina’s story. She moved to Tirana in<br />

times <strong>of</strong> communism <strong>and</strong> returned to the village after its end. She defines the “whereness” <strong>of</strong><br />

the village in its relation to Italy <strong>and</strong> Greece, <strong>and</strong> the isl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Othonas <strong>and</strong> Corfu in<br />

particular. The space she creates through her story, situated in time <strong>of</strong> prin to kero tou Enveri,<br />

comprises the village, Greece <strong>and</strong> Italy, <strong>and</strong> excludes Albania. The “whereness” <strong>of</strong> the village<br />

was differently experienced <strong>and</strong> thought <strong>of</strong> during communism because <strong>of</strong> the closure <strong>of</strong><br />

182

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