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The religious distinctions that were once introduced with the Ottoman administration became<br />

visible again. This time these distinctions were not categorised <strong>and</strong> divided in administrative<br />

units (e.g. millets) but were united under a single label called the nation-state. In the<br />

population census <strong>of</strong> Albania from the 1930, which was ordered by Zogu <strong>and</strong> included<br />

questions about religious adherence, it is reported that about 70% <strong>of</strong> population declared<br />

themselves as Muslims, about 20% as Orthodox Christians <strong>and</strong> about 10% as Roman<br />

Catholics 80 (see Jacques 1995: 396). Jacques notes that these religious differences gradually<br />

became part <strong>of</strong> the people’s representations. Thus, those people who proclaimed themselves<br />

as Christians represented “Muslims” as betrayers who “became Turks”; those who declared<br />

themselves as Muslims despised “Christians” as “idol-worshippers”, “pig-eaters” <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

called them kaur or infidels; <strong>and</strong> finally those who identified themselves as Catholics were<br />

convinced that “all Muslim stink” (see Jacques 1995: 396). Above all, these social<br />

differentiations <strong>and</strong> stratifications, based upon the religious distinctions <strong>and</strong> the source <strong>of</strong><br />

different administrative powers, became reappropriated <strong>and</strong> generated through people’s<br />

rhetoric (ibid.).<br />

In his book on the history <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara, Rusha does not discuss the Himarë/Himara<br />

people’s attitudes towards the unification <strong>of</strong> religious differences. But he comments on the<br />

local government which had to be abolished under Zogu’s centralism. Namely, the latter<br />

forced the people <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara to abolish the venomes, or unwritten laws that were in<br />

place <strong>and</strong> regulated by elderly chiefs <strong>of</strong> the soia/fisi or gerundhia, <strong>of</strong> the particular local<br />

community:<br />

Under the mischevious pretence to establish a modern state he [Ahmed Zogu] declared<br />

unique laws for the entire territory. This forced Himara region to abolish venomes.<br />

Himara region had to be united with the rest <strong>of</strong> the regions as these were not the times<br />

<strong>of</strong> Turks anymore (Rusha 2001: 127, translations mine).<br />

The abolition <strong>of</strong> venomes in Himarë/Himara area resulted in two larger revolts <strong>of</strong> the local<br />

people who dem<strong>and</strong>ed the independency <strong>of</strong> their area <strong>and</strong> the declaration <strong>of</strong> Himarë/Himara<br />

as Prefecture:<br />

During the regime <strong>of</strong> Ahmed Zogu the people <strong>of</strong> Himara revolted twice in order to win<br />

the privileges <strong>of</strong> the prefecture, in 1927 <strong>and</strong> 1932. Both revolts were suppressed by his<br />

80 In this major division the census also registered a few Jews, Protestants, atheists <strong>and</strong> very few who identified<br />

with the category “others” (see Jacques 1995: 396).<br />

156

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