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Nowadays, with the growing number <strong>of</strong> village’s youth emigrating to Greece <strong>and</strong> with<br />

l<strong>and</strong>tenure issues becoming important, the number <strong>of</strong> intra-village marriages is on a rise<br />

again. Many <strong>of</strong> these marriages take place in Greece, where young couples continue to live<br />

after the wedding. The majority <strong>of</strong> them do not consider a permanent return to their natal<br />

village, because they do not see any future for their children there. The main reasons for this<br />

are the lack <strong>of</strong> jobs, bad education, undeveloped infrastructure, daily water <strong>and</strong> electricity<br />

cuts, etc.<br />

Theoretically, after the marriage the woman joins her husb<strong>and</strong>’s household <strong>and</strong> adopts the<br />

second name (surname) <strong>of</strong> his patriline. I noticed also some cases when after marriage the<br />

man moved to the house or the l<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> his wife’s father (in 5 <strong>of</strong> 86 ikoyenia/familje). If the<br />

woman originates from Dhërmi/Drimades <strong>and</strong> marries within the village, the villagers in their<br />

day-to-day conversation <strong>of</strong>ten refer to her by her maiden name or the surname <strong>of</strong> her<br />

patrigroup. Despite that she adopts the surname <strong>of</strong> her affinal group, she is never considered<br />

as fully belonging to the affines. Household members <strong>of</strong> her affines refer to her as nifi, the<br />

bride, for all her life, even after she delivers children. She is believed to come from ali plevra,<br />

the other side, to originate from other ikoyenia/familje. As I suggested in the subchapter on<br />

religion, her position is liminal <strong>and</strong> ambiguous, always divided between her affinal <strong>and</strong><br />

paternal group. Particularly in the past, she had to be subordinated to her husb<strong>and</strong>, his male<br />

agnates, <strong>and</strong> her mother-in-law (i pethera) <strong>and</strong> other female affines (kuniadha). In the past nifi<br />

did not bring a big dowry or prika to her husb<strong>and</strong>’s household. Her prika <strong>of</strong>ten consisted <strong>of</strong> a<br />

wooden chest or kashela, in which she usually put some new clothes <strong>and</strong> some items for her<br />

new bedroom (table cloths, bedclothes, curtains <strong>and</strong> sometimes a rug). I heard only about rare<br />

occasions when woman brought some l<strong>and</strong> to her affinal group.<br />

1.9.5. Inheritance<br />

Tote/Përpara 51<br />

Most <strong>of</strong> marriages within the village are decided upon pre-marriage agreements between the<br />

male members <strong>of</strong> two soia/fise. These decisions are based on the need to keep the ownership<br />

<strong>of</strong> the l<strong>and</strong> within the village <strong>and</strong> to preserve the Christianity <strong>of</strong> the area. Whilst the house <strong>and</strong><br />

the agricultural l<strong>and</strong> used to be inherited by the partible inheritance (in the cases <strong>of</strong> one male<br />

51 In those times.<br />

95

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