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municipality this number reflects the discrepancy between the number <strong>of</strong> residents <strong>and</strong> the<br />

number <strong>of</strong> inhabitants <strong>and</strong> shows the gaps filled with the municipal effort to encourage the reregistration<br />

<strong>of</strong> the inhabitants by lessening the costs <strong>of</strong> re-registration. In terms <strong>of</strong> Sarah Green<br />

this shows how the statistical accounts are the “outcome <strong>of</strong> negotiations, where one version <strong>of</strong><br />

how things seem wins out another version” 46 (Green 2005: 161). Green points out that “how<br />

things are made to seem through statistical accounts can have a direct effect on how things are<br />

made to be” (Green 2005: 161).<br />

Various ways <strong>of</strong> counting also shape the numbers <strong>of</strong> members <strong>of</strong> the Greek minority in<br />

Albania, which again include some people <strong>and</strong> places <strong>and</strong> not others. The Albanian law on<br />

minorities acknowledges the rights <strong>of</strong> Greek minority to those people who live in the areas<br />

which are recognised as minority zones according to the “latest” census <strong>of</strong> the Population <strong>and</strong><br />

Housing Census <strong>of</strong> the Statistic Department from 1989 (later renamed as the Institute <strong>of</strong><br />

Statistics INSTAT in 1993). The minority zones a that time conjoined 40 villages <strong>of</strong> the<br />

district <strong>of</strong> Gjirokastër, 35 villages <strong>of</strong> Sar<strong>and</strong>ë district, 16 villages <strong>of</strong> Delvinë district <strong>and</strong> 3<br />

villages <strong>of</strong> Përmet district (see Minorities: The Present <strong>and</strong> the Future 2003: 11-12 <strong>and</strong><br />

Demographic Atlas <strong>of</strong> Albania 2003: 99). As the census was done in the period <strong>of</strong><br />

communism (four years after the death <strong>of</strong> the communist leader Enver Hoxha <strong>and</strong> during the<br />

presidency <strong>of</strong> Ramiz Alia, 1985-1992), it included only the numbers on the <strong>of</strong>ficially<br />

acknowledged Greek minority at that time. In 2001 the population census was repeated, but<br />

questions on the nationality <strong>and</strong> religion were not included (see First report submitted by the<br />

Republic <strong>of</strong> Albania, under article 25, paragraph 1, <strong>of</strong> the Council <strong>of</strong> Europe, 2001). There are<br />

large discrepancies between minority population numbers estimated by the Albanian statistics<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Greek organisations (Kondis <strong>and</strong> M<strong>and</strong>a 1994: 16-18, Bos <strong>and</strong> UNPO Mission 1994:<br />

1-2, Pettifier 2001: 5-6, Minorities: The Present <strong>and</strong> the Future 2003: 12, partly also Green,<br />

2005: 170, de Rapper & Sintès, 2006: 37). For example, while the general census <strong>of</strong> 1989<br />

counted 58.758 inhabitants living in minority zones, the Greek organisation Omonia counted<br />

about 150.000 to 200.000 minority members (Minorities: The Present <strong>and</strong> the Future 2003:<br />

12, see also the CIA Factbook https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/geos/al.html,<br />

last viewed September 3, 2007). The reason for such differences is that<br />

46 At this point Green adds that “there will always be other versions available, so whatever reality the accounts<br />

currently show is inherently <strong>contested</strong> <strong>and</strong> could be overturned tomorrow” (ibid.). She continues that statistics is<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten embedded by “nonstatistical elements” that once again constitute these accounts “as always already<br />

embroiled with other things” (Green 2005: 162).<br />

81

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