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336 The MiliTAry BAlAnCe 2010<br />

widening economic and diplomatic interests beyond<br />

South Asia. In August 2009 the navy updated its maritime<br />

doctrine for the first time in nearly six years. In his<br />

foreword, then Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Sureesh<br />

Mehta wrote that, ‘as the largest democracy and an<br />

emerging major economy, India’s role as a responsible<br />

player on the global stage, towards promoting peace,<br />

stability and development, has been recognised in the<br />

international arena’. The document focuses on the<br />

spectrum of conflict, India’s maritime environment<br />

and interests, and the application of maritime power.<br />

The latter chapter incorporates new constabulary<br />

missions for the navy, including counter-terrorism<br />

and anti-piracy operations. For the first time, it is<br />

stated that India’s maritime forces could be deployed<br />

on specific counter-terrorism missions ‘both independently<br />

and as cooperative endeavours with friendly<br />

foreign naval and coast guard forces’.<br />

The key strategic challenge, and priority for the<br />

navy, is the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy.<br />

Days before retiring in August 2009, Mehta stated that<br />

India neither had the military capability nor the intention<br />

‘to match China force for force’, and advocated<br />

the use of maritime domain awareness and networkcentric<br />

operations along with ‘a reliable stand-off<br />

deterrent’ as means of coping with China’s rise. India’s<br />

new maritime doctrine categorises India’s secondary<br />

maritime areas of interest as including, for the first<br />

time, ‘the South China Sea, other areas of the west<br />

Pacific Ocean and friendly littoral countries located<br />

therein’, and the deliberately vaguely worded ‘other<br />

areas of national interest based on considerations of<br />

diaspora and overseas investments’. These represent<br />

key indicators of Indian naval trends or aspirations.<br />

In July, the navy launched the first locally built<br />

Arihant nuclear-powered submarine. Its weapons<br />

fit has yet to be announced, and commissioning is<br />

expected in 2012. In 2010, the navy is expected to<br />

acquire its first Akula-class nuclear-powered submarine<br />

on lease from Russia. The former Russian carrier<br />

Admiral Gorshkov, due for commissioning in 2012 or<br />

2013, is to augment the navy’s single current Viraatclass<br />

carrier, and the first of two locally built carriers<br />

is to be commissioned the following year. India<br />

was also acquiring technologically sophisticated<br />

missile-armed ‘stealth’ warships and augmenting<br />

its maritime-surveillance capabilities (see Defence<br />

Economics, p. 349 and the essay on p. 473).<br />

Enhancing the security of small island states in<br />

the Indian Ocean against terrorism and piracy is also<br />

an emerging concern. In August 2009, India boosted<br />

defence cooperation with the Maldives by agreeing<br />

to set up a network of 26 radars across the Maldives<br />

atolls to be networked to the Indian coastal radar<br />

system, along with the establishment of an air station<br />

to conduct surveillance flights and coordinate naval<br />

patrols in the Maldives Exclusive Economic Zone.<br />

The Indian navy regularly carries out coordinated<br />

anti-piracy patrols off the Seychelles coast and since<br />

mid October 2008 has deployed a warship to the Gulf<br />

of Aden for maritime-security operations.<br />

Following the reopening of the Daulat Beg Oldi<br />

and Fuk Che airfields in Ladakh, close to the 4,000km<br />

Line of Actual Control, the de facto border between<br />

India and China, India’s air force also plans to turn<br />

the Neoma advanced landing ground in Ladakh into<br />

a runway proper. The new Indian air force chief, Air<br />

Chief Marshal P.V. Naik, publicly complained that<br />

his fighter-aircraft strength, a third of China’s, was<br />

inadequate and needed to be increased.<br />

The army continues its long-standing counterterrorism<br />

and counter-insurgency operations in<br />

Indian-administered Kashmir, where there are signs<br />

of increasing infiltration across the Line of Control,<br />

as well as in the insurgency-affected northeastern<br />

provinces of Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. Despite<br />

pressure from the local administration in Kashmir,<br />

Antony ruled out repealing the Armed Forces (Special<br />

Powers) Act, which provides the armed forces with<br />

extraordinary powers of arrest and detention, in<br />

Kashmir or parts of the northeast.<br />

There is uncertainty over how best to deal with<br />

continued violence by the Maoist Naxalites, who<br />

reportedly operate in nearly a third of the country’s<br />

districts. While the prime minister called them<br />

the gravest internal security threat, he also sought<br />

a nuanced political and developmental strategy to<br />

tackle the violence. The government was ready to<br />

hold a dialogue with the Naxalites provided they<br />

give up their arms, a condition they rejected, and the<br />

order banning the Communist Party of India (Maoist)<br />

as a terror organisation was renewed on 22 June.<br />

Meanwhile, the air force was refused permission to<br />

use force against the Naxalites in self-defence during<br />

surveillance and search-and-rescue operations, while<br />

a new anti-Naxalite force, the Commando Battalion<br />

for Resolute Action (CoBRA), was also established<br />

under the command and control of the central reserve<br />

police force. In October the central government<br />

announced a new anti-Naxalite plan that included<br />

deployment of over 40,000 central police personnel<br />

in affected provinces.

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