<strong>European</strong> CommissionOccasional Paper 60, Volume I1.5 Social remittancesThe transmission of ideas from migrant countries of destination can modify some behaviors – such asthe female participation to the labour <strong>market</strong>, which is discussed in section 2.4 – which, in turn, havean impact on fertility choices (Fargues, 2007a; Fargues, 2007b; Beine et al., 2009). This transmissionof demographic norms from the countries of destination to the countries of origin has a delayed impacton the labour <strong>market</strong>, as it influences the size of the cohorts which enter the labour <strong>market</strong> 20 yearslater. This entails that the past <strong>migration</strong> record of a country influences the current demographicpressure on the labour <strong>market</strong>.2. Behavior in the labour <strong>market</strong>Section 1 has analyzed the impact that <strong>migration</strong> exerts on a country’s endowment of labour eitherdirectly or indirectly through the influence it can produce on the incentives to invest in education. Still,<strong>migration</strong> can also influence the behavior of working-age individuals on the domestic labour <strong>market</strong>.Migration influences both the ability to take up a job offer – through the reshaping of family structuresthat it induces, <strong>and</strong> the willingness to do so – through the income effect brought about by <strong>migration</strong><strong>and</strong> remittances. Even social remittances can significantly influence behavior on the labour <strong>market</strong>, asdestination countries often differ in features such as the rate of female participation.2.1 Actual <strong>migration</strong>The <strong>migration</strong> of a family member can have a relevant impact on family structures. If the member whomigrates leaves some children behind, then this can lead to a significant reshaping of family structures.His – or, less likely, her – spouse can go back to their parents’ house, in order to have someone whocan help them in taking care of the children left behind. Bryant (2005) observes that “children ofmigrants are more likely to have relatives from outside the nuclear family living in the samehousehold, especially if both parents are overseas”. This entails that <strong>migration</strong> could per se fosterfemale participation in the labour <strong>market</strong>, as women can more easily rely on relatives to take care oftheir children.2.3 Prospect to migrateThe prospect to migrate can have an impact on the participation rate or on the reserve wage ofdomestic workers (Fan <strong>and</strong> Stark, 2007a). The latter effect can be channeled through the culturalinfluence that destination countries exert, as people adjust their perception with respect to whatrepresents a fair wage. Would-be migrants adopt a wait <strong>and</strong> see strategy, devoting their efforts toprepare their <strong>migration</strong> project, <strong>and</strong> turning down low-paid job offers. If the prospect to migrateinduces some individuals to give up any attempt to actively look for a job – so that they are no longerrecorded as being unemployed – then this could further reduce the unemployment rate, though it isdoubtful, to say the least, that the country would gain from this further reduction.2.3 RemittancesRemittances can reduce the work effort of the members of recipient households (see the recentempirical contribution by Cox Edwards <strong>and</strong> Rodriguez-Oreggia, 2009). This can come about with thepositive income effect brought about by remittances, although one should be aware of not takingremittances at their face value. Remittances are not just added to other household income sources.Rather they have to replace the lost domestic income of the migrant, who is often the main breadwinnerin the household. As Acosta et al. (2006) observe, “<strong>migration</strong> also entails potential losses of118
Chapter IIThe impact of <strong>migration</strong> on labour <strong>market</strong>s in Arab Mediterranean countriesincome, associated with the migrants’ absence from their families”. 76 This point means that the incomeeffect of remittances differs from the face value of the transfer, but still it could lead to a reduction inthe participation rates of members in recipient households, possibly through an increase in theirreservation wages.A more subtle argument refers to the moral hazard problem that remittances can give rise to (Chamiet al., 2005): the transfer of remittances is – at least partly – motivated by altruistic reasons (seeRapoport <strong>and</strong> Docquier, 2006 <strong>and</strong> Bouhga-Hagbe, 2006 for evidence for selected Middle Eastcountries) <strong>and</strong> this entails that the migrant tends to adjust the level of the transfer in the face of anadverse income shock that may hit their relatives in the home country. Recipients can then exploitthis altruistic behavior: they can reduce the unobservable work effort that they exert, bringing about adecline in their labour earnings which will then be compensated for by the migrant though higherremittances.Remittances can also influence the labour <strong>market</strong> participation of children <strong>and</strong> teenagers, asdiscussed in section 1.4.1, if they foster the development of family-run activities.2.4 Social remittancesThe transmission of ideas <strong>and</strong> social norms from migrant countries of destination can have asubstantial impact on some deeply-rooted behavior, such as female participation in the labour <strong>market</strong>(see above). Clearly, such an effect is closely related to how <strong>migration</strong> reshapes the family structure inmigrant-sending households, as discussed in Section 2.1.Dem<strong>and</strong> side of the labour <strong>market</strong>3. Consumption patternsMigration can profoundly reshape the consumption patterns that prevail in migrant-sending countries,<strong>and</strong> this influences the sectoral composition of labour dem<strong>and</strong>. Migration stimulates the dem<strong>and</strong> forservices – such as communication <strong>and</strong> financial services – that are needed to keep strong ties withmigrant communities abroad. The uneven sectoral impact of <strong>migration</strong> is reinforced by the likelyinflationary effects of remittances that tend to channel resources <strong>and</strong> labour towards the non-.tradedsector. This includes the building sector, <strong>and</strong> a boom in real estate – not necessarily limited to migrantsendingareas – is a common experience of countries that undergo intense <strong>migration</strong> waves. Needlessto say, consumption patterns are highly exposed to the cultural influence of the habits that prevail indestination countries, <strong>and</strong> the returnees can be a channel of transmission for such an influence.3.1 Actual <strong>migration</strong>Actual <strong>migration</strong> modifies the patterns of consumption in migrant households, as it increases the dem<strong>and</strong>for non-traded services: financial services, communication facilities, <strong>and</strong> tourist facilities. In migrantsendingareas, where the share of households having at least one member abroad is higher, money transferservices, phone centers <strong>and</strong> internet services usually experience a boom, <strong>and</strong> this increases the dem<strong>and</strong> forlabour in these sectors. Clearly, the relevance of these effects depends on several confounding factors,such as the size of the migrant population <strong>and</strong> the strength of the ties with the diaspora.76 Moreover, it must not be forgotten that <strong>migration</strong> is a risky venture that can also have a negative income effect for migranthouseholds; this would occur if the migrants fail to find a job in the country of destination, or if they voluntarily decide tobreak up the family ties <strong>and</strong> not to send back remittances.119
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