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Labour market performance and migration flows - European ...

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Chapter IFinal Reporttrue labour <strong>market</strong> policy is compounded by the absence of public strategic human-resource planning.The only reform was a 70% increase in the minimum wage in 2007, the first rise since 1996.3.1 Active <strong>Labour</strong> Market PoliciesIn several AMCs, employment policies are limited in practice to active labour <strong>market</strong> policies(ALMPs). ALMPs aim to correct labour <strong>market</strong> failures <strong>and</strong> have been used in Europe <strong>and</strong> the US todeal with high unemployment <strong>and</strong> deficient aggregate dem<strong>and</strong>. These polices take the form of directjob creation to restore the employability of workers, labour <strong>market</strong> training to give workers theskills required by firms, <strong>and</strong> job brokerage to improve the match between job seekers <strong>and</strong> vacanciessuch as employment services that provide better information on vacancies or help to improve thesearch effectiveness of the unemployed. In several AMCs (notably Morocco <strong>and</strong> Tunisia, Egypt <strong>and</strong>to a lesser extent Algeria), ALMP have become the main tool of national employment policies,absorbing substantial financial resources.Several active labour <strong>market</strong> policies in the form of employment <strong>and</strong> training programmes havebeen set up in Egypt to promote job creation <strong>and</strong> reduce unemployment. De Gobbi <strong>and</strong> Nesporova(2005) argue that the ALMPs in Egypt have not always met their set targets since there are skillmismatches between workers <strong>and</strong> jobs <strong>and</strong> hence obstacles in job placements; <strong>and</strong> the credit schemesfor self-employment perform poorly. El-Megharbel (2007) argues that ALMPs should be considered asshort-term solutions to overcome labour <strong>market</strong> failures. Consequently, the impact of these policies onjob creation should not be overstated. These policies must also be aligned with macroeconomic policiesin the global framework of a national employment strategy that aims to increase employment. Assaad<strong>and</strong> Barsoum (2007) argue that most active labour <strong>market</strong> programs are primarily provided throughgovernmental or quasi-governmental bodies <strong>and</strong> suffer from limited efficiency, skewed targeting, <strong>and</strong> aheavy reliance on international donor support. These programs fail either because they came from thetop down, or because they were implemented badly. Many programs are initiated <strong>and</strong> supportedthrough foreign donor support <strong>and</strong> are insufficiently institutionalized or integrated into a policyframework. Despite the success of some NGOs, these programs remain limited in scale <strong>and</strong> dependheavily on grants <strong>and</strong>, therefore, are not sustainable over the long term. Finally, there have been nosystematic evaluations of most of the programs <strong>and</strong> policies addressing youth employment in Egypt.Studies with pre- <strong>and</strong> post-intervention designs involving control <strong>and</strong> intervention groups are very rare.This creates a huge knowledge gap that hinders the learning of lessons <strong>and</strong> the building of new projects.To conclude, ALMPs have not been effective in creating jobs in Egypt. There have been too manydispersed <strong>and</strong> uncoordinated policies. There is a need for a more integrated set of policies that addressthe roots of the malfunctioning of labour <strong>market</strong>s.In Tunisia, ALMP instruments are characterised by a wide diversity <strong>and</strong> an accumulation over theyears. This complexity poses problems of transparency, overlapping, coordination <strong>and</strong> relevance ofprogrammes in relation to the structure of unemployment. There is no systematic <strong>and</strong> regular process ofevaluation concerning their effectiveness <strong>and</strong> their equity, <strong>and</strong> they tend to benefit young graduates,whereas the vast majority of the unemployed (75%) have just a primary or secondary education. Onlypublic work programmes have a high orientation towards the unemployed with primary education.Despite a high concentration of unemployment in rural areas in certain regions, ALMPs are focused inurban areas, where all public labour <strong>market</strong> institutions are concentrated as well. The continuouseducation component of these policies does not exceed 4.5% of all expenses, <strong>and</strong> benefits big companiesmore often than SMEs. Between 1994 <strong>and</strong> 2004, there was a proliferation of public programmes to assistthe transition of young people from school to work or the promotion of self-employment. Often, theseprogrammes led to the creation of a large number of precarious, short-lived jobs. Due to theirmultiplicity <strong>and</strong> overlapping, often ALMPs do not distinguish, short of targeting <strong>and</strong> evaluation, betweenthe assistance dimension (passive employment policies) <strong>and</strong> a true promotion of labour integration(quality <strong>and</strong> stability). A recent assessment by the National Consultative Commission on Employment53

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