<strong>European</strong> CommissionOccasional Paper 60, Volume Iparticipation of their beneficiaries (often women). However, as Section 5.2 will show, the evidencecollected in AMCs does not always confirm those effects; so the Figure mainly provides a firstanalytical framework for further research into those effects.Two conclusions can be drawn from an overview of Figure 5.1.1. First, the more the <strong>migration</strong>process extends through its different stages (from the prospect to migrate or the actual <strong>migration</strong> to thetransfer of remittances through return <strong>migration</strong>), the more positive the impact it has on labour<strong>market</strong>s. This highlights the interest of promoting return <strong>migration</strong> from the perspective of thecountries of origin. Second, the effects of <strong>migration</strong> on labour <strong>market</strong>s are complex <strong>and</strong> oftencontradictory, so it is not possible to draw any conclusion on its net balance. It depends very much onthe context <strong>and</strong> the characteristics of <strong>migration</strong>. This calls for a differentiated policy mix.Figure 5.1.1 Synthetic table of the effects of outward <strong>migration</strong> on labour <strong>market</strong>sEffects on labour <strong>market</strong>sSupply sideDem<strong>and</strong> sideFactor EndowmentsBehaviourConsumptionpatternsInvestments,entrepreneurialactivitiesMigration stagesProspect tomigrateActual <strong>migration</strong>(permanent;temporary)RemittancesReturn <strong>migration</strong><strong>Labour</strong> supply (L) - - - +Skills supply (H)(brain drain/gain)+ - + +Capital supply (K) = = + +Education (H)(skills acquisition)+ = + +<strong>Labour</strong>participation (L)- = - +Wages(reservation wages)+ + + +<strong>Labour</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> - + + +<strong>Labour</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>(K)- - + +Structure Informal employment = = + =L = <strong>Labour</strong> supply; K = Capital; H = Human CapitalAs far as empirical evidence in the literature is concerned, Jordan provides a good example of therelevance of the labour <strong>market</strong> impact of <strong>migration</strong> <strong>flows</strong>, as – according to Chatelard (2004) – Jordanianeconomic development is closely intertwined with the prevailing dynamics of international labourmobility. This was true in particular in the 1980s, when it was estimated that 42% of the labour force wasexpatriated, <strong>and</strong> that such a massive outflow of the labour force led to a substantial decline inunemployment. When, in the early 1990s, a large number of Jordanians were repatriated due to the firstGulf war, the country experienced a 10% increase in its population, putting great pressure oninfrastructures, public services <strong>and</strong> housing, <strong>and</strong> unemployment climbed up to 30% (De Bel-Air, 2008).By the same token, international <strong>migration</strong> has always been an essential route of escape for the excessPalestinian labour supply: the restriction on entry into the Israeli labour <strong>market</strong> after the beginning of the68
Chapter IFinal Reportsecond Intifada created a sharp rise in unemployment, which increased from 13% to 29% between 1999<strong>and</strong> 2006 (Hilal, 2007) – see box on this topic in Section 5.2.As far as the large countries of the Arab Mediterranean area are concerned, Ramamurthy (2003)finds that Egypt is the only country in his sample where e<strong>migration</strong> has a significant effect onemployment. Nassar (2005) argues that – notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing data limitations <strong>and</strong> despite the fact that thebest workers rather than the unemployed migrate – the direct impact of <strong>migration</strong> on the Egyptianlabour <strong>market</strong> can be gauged from what happened during the Gulf crisis, when Iraq <strong>and</strong> Kuwait closedtheir borders, <strong>and</strong> many Egyptians were repatriated. Finally, it is important to underline that the labour<strong>market</strong> effects of <strong>migration</strong> need not be confined to the areas of origin of the migrants, as international<strong>migration</strong> is closely linked to internal movements of people: it often induces the internal relocation ofthe labour force in a country 25 .But other effects (such as the effect on wages, the availability of skilled labour, participationsrates…) are more difficult to gauge. Take, for example, the net impact of remittances on the incentivesto work or to invest in education (the possibility of <strong>migration</strong> raises the expectations of students <strong>and</strong>their parents, encouraging increased investment in education). Analysing differences across regionaljob <strong>market</strong>s or basins in the same country could give valuable indications by correlating differences inlabour <strong>market</strong> <strong>performance</strong> with the level of <strong>migration</strong> in each of them (controlling for other factors totake into consideration), <strong>and</strong> hence on how <strong>migration</strong> affects labour <strong>market</strong>s.So the National Background Paper for Tunisia (Mahjoub 2009, pp. 45-48) approaches this issue bycorrelating an index of <strong>migration</strong> intensity (calculated as the number of migrants per 1000 inhabitantsbetween 1999 <strong>and</strong> 2004) <strong>and</strong> unemployment, labour participation rate (of women) <strong>and</strong> schoolenrolment rate (for the 6-14 age bracket). Whereas results of the correlation are not significant for thelabour participation rate, the exercise shows a significant inverse correlation between <strong>migration</strong> rate<strong>and</strong> unemployment rate by governorates <strong>and</strong> a positive one between <strong>migration</strong> rates <strong>and</strong> schoolenrolment rates. It exceeds the brief of this Study <strong>and</strong> of the National Background Papers to undertakesuch kind of analysis for all countries <strong>and</strong> labour <strong>market</strong> variables; but such a region-level analysis oflabour <strong>market</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>migration</strong> patterns, often requiring specific household surveys to be carried out,would be extremely interesting for this topic.5.2 Does Migration Cause Brain Drain in AMCs?Apart from the impact of financial <strong>flows</strong> generated by <strong>migration</strong> on the labour <strong>market</strong> <strong>and</strong> the directeffect on labour supply, the other major channel through which labour <strong>migration</strong> affects national labour<strong>market</strong>s is its impact on the availability of skills <strong>and</strong> qualifications in the workforce. Here the academicdebate (to a large extent based on evidence from outside the region) is far from conclusive.Literature on the brain drain is very rich <strong>and</strong> has also taken a twist in the last few years (see Beine,Docquier <strong>and</strong> Rapoport 2001; Beine, Docquier <strong>and</strong> Rapoport 2006, <strong>and</strong> Docquier <strong>and</strong> Rapoport. 2008).There is a strong empirical evidence that, in most of the developing world, it is the more skilled whohave the highest propensity to emigrate (Docquier <strong>and</strong> Marfouk, 2006; Hanson 2008). Traditionalliterature on the so-called brain drain (Bhagwati <strong>and</strong> Hamada, 1974) emphasized the adverse staticeffects of <strong>migration</strong> upon the endowment of skilled labour, with an ensuing negative developmentalimpact. If there are positive spillovers (externalities) associated with human capital or if education isfinanced through taxation, the e<strong>migration</strong> of skilled labour can hinder economic development. Possiblecorrections include taxing the e<strong>migration</strong> of skilled labour or requiring receiving countries to admit moreunskilled workers from the developing world (Pritchett, 2006).25 For instance, De Haas (2007) shows how migrant sending areas in Morocco became destinations for many internal migrants from other villages or from poorer regions; he cites Berriane(1996) <strong>and</strong> El Meskine (1993), who observe that many construction <strong>and</strong> agricultural workers in the Rif area come from the Tafilalt <strong>and</strong> Draa valley in Southern Morocco.69
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