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Labour market performance and migration flows - European ...

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<strong>European</strong> CommissionOccasional Paper 60, Volume ITable 6.4 Number of students from AMCs enrolled in tertiary educationin 2003 in 26 OECD countriesRate of e<strong>migration</strong>Algeria 2,028Egypt 5,875Jordan 5,261Lebanon 9,318Morocco 53,631Palestine 929Syria 4,908Tunisia 12,259Source: Dumont (2006)6.2 Prospect to migrate <strong>and</strong> labour forceWhile there is limited direct evidence with respect to the impact of the prospect to migrate on humancapital formation in AMCs, some indirect evidence can be gained by observing the pattern of<strong>migration</strong> by skill levels. The theoretical arguments depicted in section 1.2. reveal that a necessarycondition for the occurrence of a beneficial brain drain is represented by an increase in the expectedreturn to education once <strong>migration</strong> prospects open up, <strong>and</strong> this means that better-educated individualshave either a higher incentive to migrate because of prevailing wage distribution at destination, or abetter ability to do so, because of skill-selective im<strong>migration</strong> policies. Table 6.1 provided a firstsnapshot of e<strong>migration</strong>, broken down by skill levels, out of AMCs in the year 2000. This adverse staticeffect could be offset by the contribution that the prospect to migrate provides by way of humancapital formation in these countries. 94Still, what we observe in Table 6.1 need not be driven by a higher incentive or better ability tomigrate – because of the pattern of out-selection determined by im<strong>migration</strong> policies – for bettereducated individuals, as the skill premium in wage distribution tends to fall with higher levels ofincome (see Figure 1.1). Mattoo et al. (2008) provide evidence of so-called brain waste in the USlabour <strong>market</strong> from a survey which also provides data on Egyptian immigrants. 95 The possibilitythat the e<strong>migration</strong> rates across educational groups reported in Table 6.1 are influenced by theadoption of skill-selective im<strong>migration</strong> policies seems uncertain as well, as migrants to OECDcountries from the Maghreb countries – such as Morocco <strong>and</strong> Tunisia – tend to move to Europe(see figures from Ratha <strong>and</strong> Shaw, 2007). Although things may change with the eventualintroduction of the <strong>European</strong> Blue Card, EU member countries have not so far been the most activecontenders in the global contest to attract “the best <strong>and</strong> the brightest”, where traditionalim<strong>migration</strong> countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> – to a lesser extent – the UnitedStates have prevailed, with the adoption of tight skill-selective im<strong>migration</strong> policies. Migration toEurope occurs mostly through family reunification provisions or through irregular routes, which donot induce a skill-selective pattern of <strong>migration</strong>. Clearly, this need not apply to the countries of theMashreq – such as Egypt <strong>and</strong> Lebanon – whose migrants tend to move predominantly towards theGulf countries <strong>and</strong> the United States, as these countries are characterized by higher wage dispersion94 Fargues (2008b) states that migrants from AMCs “may also have an increasing propensity to invest in their own education<strong>and</strong> to accumulate human capital in addition to financial capital”.95 Mattoo et al. (2008) shows that workers from the MENA region are more likely to obtain a qualified job if they hold aprofessional degree; the probability of obtaining a qualified job with a master degree is only 49 percent for an Egyptianmigrant, compared to 80 percent for an Indian.132

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