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Labour market performance and migration flows - European ...

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Chapter IFinal ReportSource: Adams (2006)If we take the extreme case of Morocco, around a third of Moroccan migrants in the EU do nothave any formal qualification, <strong>and</strong> another third only a primary education certificate. But there areimportant differences across countries of residence. The most critical situation is that of Spain <strong>and</strong>Italy, countries of recent Moroccan im<strong>migration</strong>. In Spain, around half the Moroccan immigrants haveno formal qualification; in Italy, this percentage is 43.6%. However, in the case of Morocco there isevidence of inter-generational progress among Maghreb immigrants in Europe (see NationalBackground Paper, Jaidi 2009, pp. 73-75).Reasons for MigrationEvidence from the region confirms the common sense intuition pointing to employment prospects asthe main driver of <strong>migration</strong>, although wages <strong>and</strong> living conditions tend to play a greater role thanunemployment as such. A field survey was carried out by the Egyptian Ministry of Manpower <strong>and</strong>E<strong>migration</strong> to determine the push factors in Egypt as identified by current <strong>and</strong> potential migrants. Theresults of this survey indicate that push factors in Egypt are overwhelmingly economic. Egyptianyouth regard <strong>migration</strong> – legal or illegal – as a possible way to escape poverty <strong>and</strong> unemployment.With respect to the reason for <strong>migration</strong>, the study indicates that the main reasons behind <strong>migration</strong>are the low wages <strong>and</strong> salaries in Egypt compared to Europe, bad living conditions <strong>and</strong> the lack of jobopportunities in Egypt, especially among new graduates. An important factor that plays a major role instimulating <strong>migration</strong> streams to Europe is the wealth of successful migrants <strong>and</strong> return migrants.Remittances of Egyptian migrants who work in <strong>European</strong> countries are important factors that stimulatea continuous stream of <strong>migration</strong>. Potential migrants claim that the “savings of one-year work inEurope is more than a lifetime salary in Egypt”. The current stream of Egyptian irregular <strong>migration</strong> toEurope started on the eve of the 21 st century with massive number of newly-graduated <strong>and</strong> poorlyeducatedunemployed youth engaged in irregular <strong>migration</strong> to Europe either across the MediterraneanSea via Libya or by over staying on tourist Schengen visas. Zohry (2008) argues that the main reasonsbehind this new type of <strong>migration</strong> are not related to the tightened policy adopted by the <strong>European</strong>Union, but instead to: (i) unemployment: the increasing severity of unemployment is one of the mainpush factors that stimulate a strong irregular <strong>migration</strong> stream to Europe; (ii) associated withunemployment is the difficulty for Egyptian youth to find employment opportunities in the Arab Gulfcountries due to the competition they face there from the cheap South East Asian labour now arrivingin massive numbers; <strong>and</strong> (iii) geographical proximity <strong>and</strong> the ease of travelling to Libya where most ofthe migrant boats to Europe set-off.Another survey carried out in Morocco shows that reasons stated for <strong>migration</strong> are predominantly(between 2/3 <strong>and</strong> 3/4) related to work <strong>and</strong> wages (National Background Paper, Jaidi 2009, pp. 79-81).In any case, the National Background Papers show that the main push factor for <strong>migration</strong> is notunemployment as such, but rather the large (<strong>and</strong> in most cases growing, see Section 2.3) wage <strong>and</strong>income differentials. So wage differentials, not unemployment as such, are the main drivers of<strong>migration</strong>. This seems to be confirmed by the fact that, in Lebanon, a significant majority of those whodeparted were people aged between 25 <strong>and</strong> 29 who were in employment when they made the decisionto leave the country.In Algeria, the survey carried out by Hammouda (2008) does not relate directly to this issue, butnonetheless gives us an insight into how young people represent <strong>migration</strong> <strong>and</strong> how they project theirfuture through it. It demonstrates that unemployment <strong>and</strong> the lack of employment prospects are not themain reason given by young people. The results suggest that the propensity to migrate depends, in thefirst place, on belonging to a <strong>migration</strong> basin (agglomeration effect), sex (men are more inclined tomigrate than women), instruction level (the more educated a person, the more he or she wishes tomigrate) <strong>and</strong> living conditions. For Hammouda, the high cost of <strong>migration</strong> explains why it attractsmainly graduate workers, <strong>and</strong> why the unemployed are excluded. However, the most original result of61

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