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Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...

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Workshop 1 – Abr 141<br />

The Lakota aspect/modality marker TKH<br />

Pustet, Reg<strong>in</strong>a<br />

LMU Munich<br />

pustetrm@yahoo.com<br />

Lakota (Siouan, Central North America) is moderately rich <strong>in</strong> both aspectual <strong>and</strong> modal<br />

categories. The diachronic sources of many of the grammatical elements <strong>in</strong> question are still<br />

transparent. Lakota is equipped with one grammeme that covers both aspectual <strong>and</strong> modal<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>gs, namely, the postverbal marker tkhá, which can (roughly) be glossed as follows:<br />

a. 'almost'<br />

b. 'used to but no more' (PERFECTIVE ANTERIOR)<br />

c. 'would have' (PERFECTIVE IRREALIS)<br />

d. 'assertion of fact which runs counter to what is generally believed or what the speaker<br />

previously believed' (COUNTERFACTUAL)<br />

Example:<br />

yá tkhá<br />

go.3SG ASP/MOD<br />

's/he almost went, s/he used to go (but no more), s/he would have gone, I thought s/he went<br />

but s/he didn't'<br />

What makes tkhá an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g object of study with respect to the general topic of the<br />

<strong>in</strong>teraction of aspect <strong>and</strong> modality is that this element shows a m<strong>in</strong>gl<strong>in</strong>g of perfective <strong>and</strong><br />

epistemic mean<strong>in</strong>gs. It thus potentially challenges one of the <strong>in</strong>itial hypotheses to be<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestigated <strong>in</strong> this workshop.<br />

The diachronic source of all mean<strong>in</strong>gs of aspectual/modal tkhá is the conjunction tkhá 'but'. In<br />

addition to the obvious criterion of homonymy, there are both structural <strong>and</strong> semantic criteria<br />

by means of which the aspect/modality marker tkhá can be l<strong>in</strong>ked to the conjunction tkhá<br />

'but'. The aspect/modality marker tkhá arose via ellipsis of the clause which follows the<br />

conjunction tkhá 'but'.<br />

The common semantic denom<strong>in</strong>ator for all mean<strong>in</strong>gs of aspectual/modal tkhá is that the state<br />

of affairs modified by this element is not <strong>in</strong>stantiated <strong>in</strong> reality at the moment of utterance,<br />

either because it never reached the po<strong>in</strong>t of actualization ('almost', 'would have',<br />

COUNTERFACTUAL), or because the actualization has been term<strong>in</strong>ated prior to the moment<br />

of utterance ('used to but no more'). In those cases <strong>in</strong> which an aspectual mean<strong>in</strong>g can be<br />

clearly assigned to tkhá, that mean<strong>in</strong>g is always perfective. This is self-evident for 'would<br />

have' <strong>and</strong> 'used to but no more', <strong>and</strong> also true for 'almost': this particular mean<strong>in</strong>g of tkhá<br />

features states of affairs that came near actualization at some po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> time. However, the<br />

opportunity for actualization does not exist any more at the moment of utterance.<br />

Counterfactual tkhá is to be classed as convey<strong>in</strong>g an epistemic mean<strong>in</strong>g s<strong>in</strong>ce it asserts that<br />

the opposite of the assumed state of affairs holds.<br />

Thus, the marker tkhá can be characterized as a multifunctional aspectual-modal hybrid that<br />

comb<strong>in</strong>es perfective with epistemic concepts.<br />

Reference<br />

Pustet, R. <strong>in</strong> prep. Lakota grammar.

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