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Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...

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170 Workshops<br />

restructur<strong>in</strong>g due to the <strong>in</strong>tense contact with St<strong>and</strong>ard Italian <strong>and</strong> the surround<strong>in</strong>g North Italian<br />

varieties. After discuss<strong>in</strong>g the reasons for the extreme prolongation of language shift <strong>in</strong> this<br />

speech community (particularly endogamy, geographical seclusion <strong>and</strong> agricultural basis of<br />

liv<strong>in</strong>g) the focus of the talk shifts to the description of the use of subject <strong>and</strong> object clitics.<br />

Both Bavarian <strong>and</strong> Northern Italian dialects show pronom<strong>in</strong>al clitics, a special class or "second<br />

series" of pronom<strong>in</strong>al elements <strong>in</strong> addition to stressed personal pronouns. These pronom<strong>in</strong>al<br />

clitics (<strong>in</strong> Bavarian, Cimbro <strong>and</strong> Northern Italian dialects) are called special clitics with a<br />

different distributional behavior than their stressed counterparts. There are considerable<br />

differences between the properties of clitics <strong>and</strong> cliticization <strong>in</strong> Bavarian on the one side <strong>and</strong> the<br />

features of clitics <strong>and</strong> cliticization processes of the Northern Italian type on the other side (those<br />

differences ma<strong>in</strong>ly concern 1) the category of the syntactic basis for cliticization, 2) the <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />

sequence of clitics <strong>in</strong> a clitic cluster <strong>and</strong> 3) the position of the clitics before or after the syntactic<br />

basis). Pronom<strong>in</strong>al clitics <strong>in</strong> Cimbro behave <strong>in</strong> some respects more like Italian / Romance clitics<br />

whereas <strong>in</strong> other respects more like Bavarian ones. For example, there is no evidence for a<br />

switch from encliticizaition to procliticization <strong>in</strong> Cimbro. This implies that it is especially<br />

difficult to adopt this feature of cliticization <strong>in</strong> processes of external motivated grammatical<br />

change even <strong>in</strong> very <strong>in</strong>tense language contact situations. From a functional po<strong>in</strong>t of view,<br />

subject <strong>and</strong> object clitics <strong>in</strong> Cimbro have adopted agreement functions very similar to the<br />

regularities <strong>in</strong> Galloromance varieties. The altered function as agreement markers <strong>in</strong> Cimbro is<br />

<strong>in</strong>timately connected with the reduction of differences to the model language concern<strong>in</strong>g word<br />

order <strong>and</strong> with the <strong>in</strong>tegration of focus strategies from the model language <strong>in</strong>to patterns already<br />

<strong>and</strong> still exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the replica language.<br />

The picture drawn from the results of the <strong>in</strong>vestigation of pronom<strong>in</strong>al clitics <strong>in</strong> Cimbro is best<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpreted as a case of typological change at the morphosyntactic level, which is the<br />

consequence of a very long last<strong>in</strong>g phase of stable bil<strong>in</strong>gualism.<br />

What has changed <strong>in</strong> Hiberno-English:<br />

Constructions, “usage patterns” <strong>and</strong>/or discourse preferences<br />

Pietsch, Lukas<br />

University of Hamburg<br />

lukas.pietsch@uni-hamburg.de<br />

Scholars of language contact have developed a large range of different terms to describe<br />

processes whereby a language takes over grammatical structures from a second language:<br />

“transfer”, “borrow<strong>in</strong>g”, “replication”, “<strong>in</strong>terference”, etc. Often, however, when these terms<br />

are used it is left open what exactly the status of the l<strong>in</strong>guistic entities is that are the object of<br />

the change. In this way, studies of contact-<strong>in</strong>duced grammatical change often make little<br />

contact with syntactic research <strong>and</strong> syntactic theory <strong>in</strong> a narrower sense. Any theoretically<br />

explicit account of contact-<strong>in</strong>duced grammatical change will have to <strong>in</strong>clude some way <strong>in</strong><br />

which bil<strong>in</strong>gual speakers construct analogy relations between elements <strong>in</strong> their two respective<br />

language systems. Someth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the donor language is perceived as functionally or<br />

structurally equivalent to an existent or emergent someth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the receiv<strong>in</strong>g language. But<br />

what k<strong>in</strong>ds of someth<strong>in</strong>gs (“rules”, “structures”, “patterns”, “strategies”) are these, <strong>and</strong> what<br />

is their status with<strong>in</strong> each of the language systems?<br />

It will be suggested <strong>in</strong> this talk that Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, Croft 2001), with<br />

its emphasis on “constructions” as the dom<strong>in</strong>ant organis<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of grammars, <strong>and</strong> its<br />

natural aff<strong>in</strong>ity to usage-based models of language change – as employed, for <strong>in</strong>stance, <strong>in</strong><br />

grammaticalisation studies – is particularly suitable to describe <strong>and</strong> expla<strong>in</strong> some of the<br />

properties observed <strong>in</strong> contact-<strong>in</strong>duced change. Among these properties are its local,

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