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Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...

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196 Workshops<br />

(Ir)regular valency alternations <strong>in</strong> possessive contexts<br />

Ortmann, Albert<br />

Düsseldorf<br />

ortmann@phil-fak.uni-duesseldorf.de<br />

This paper highlights the different extents of irregularity <strong>in</strong> valence-chang<strong>in</strong>g processes with<br />

nouns. Although valence-chang<strong>in</strong>g morphological operations are typologically more common,<br />

<strong>and</strong> accord<strong>in</strong>gly have previously received more attention, with verbs (e.g., passive, causative,<br />

applicative), they are also found with nouns. Thus, there are languages <strong>in</strong> which a possessor<br />

of a non-relational noun must be licensed by a morphological operation on the possessee<br />

(‘possessor extension’). Occasionally, we also encounter the converse, i.e., the absence of a<br />

possessor requires a derelative suffix.<br />

In the first part of my talk, I provide an overview of the various morphological strategies of<br />

possessor extension. These comprise regular affixation (as <strong>in</strong> the case of the Persian ezafe<br />

construction), prosodic <strong>and</strong> subsegmental manifestation such as vowel lengthen<strong>in</strong>g or change<br />

(as <strong>in</strong> Mam ptz’on ‘sugarcane’ – n-paatz'an=a ‘my sugarcane’; Engl<strong>and</strong> 1983:44), <strong>and</strong> various<br />

idiosyncrasies <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g total suppletion (for example, Tzutujil jaay ‘house’ – woochooj<br />

‘my house’; Dayley 1985:145).<br />

I will then develop the claim that many alternations that at first sight seem to <strong>in</strong>volve high<br />

irregularity are <strong>in</strong> fact largely determ<strong>in</strong>ed by general phonological processes of reduction, the<br />

application of which crucially depends on the location of word stress. By present<strong>in</strong>g case<br />

studies of Mam as well as of Modern Hebrew, I demonstrate how such processes may conspire<br />

to yield weak suppletive forms which <strong>in</strong> spite of their shortness still exhibit a high<br />

degree of transparency.<br />

References<br />

Dayley, Jon P. (1985) Tzutujil Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press.<br />

Engl<strong>and</strong>, Nora C. (1983) A grammar of Mam, a Mayan language. Aust<strong>in</strong>: University of Texas<br />

Press.<br />

On def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g irregular <strong>and</strong> extragrammatic<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>flection <strong>and</strong> word formation<br />

Ronneberger-Sibold, Elke<br />

Eichstädt<br />

elke.ronneberger@ku-eichstaett.de<br />

As an <strong>in</strong>troduction to our workshop, I will attempt to clarify the differences <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terrelations<br />

between synchronically regular, irregular, <strong>and</strong> extragrammatical morphological operations. My<br />

aim is an overall picture, <strong>in</strong> which every topic addressed <strong>in</strong> the workshop will f<strong>in</strong>d its place.<br />

This picture is based on the fundamental difference between <strong>in</strong>flection <strong>and</strong> word formation,<br />

for this dist<strong>in</strong>ction is crucial for the respective possibilities of reta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g irregular forms hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

arisen by l<strong>in</strong>guistic change <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic paradigms, <strong>and</strong> hence <strong>in</strong>directly for extragrammatical<br />

morphological operations. In <strong>in</strong>flection, the strictly def<strong>in</strong>ed grammatical mean<strong>in</strong>gs of the<br />

forms comb<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> a paradigm guarantee their synchronic cohesion, even if they are very<br />

irregular. E.g., strongly irregular G. (ich) darf '(I) may' <strong>and</strong> (ich) durfte '(I) might, was<br />

allowed to' are considered by language users as forms of the same paradigm, because their<br />

semantic relation is exactly the same as between regular (ich) kaufe '(I) buy' <strong>and</strong> (Ich) kaufte<br />

'(I) bought'. Contrary to this, the semantic cohesion between lexemes related to each other by<br />

word formation can be easily disrupted, when they become synchronically irregular, result<strong>in</strong>g

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