Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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Workshop 3 – Cor 159<br />
The distribution of lexical <strong>and</strong> grammatical evidentiality<br />
<strong>in</strong> spoken <strong>and</strong> written Spanish.<br />
Cornillie, Bert<br />
Universities of Antwerp <strong>and</strong> Leuven<br />
bert.cornillie@arts.kuleuven.be<br />
This paper deals with the distribution of grammatical <strong>and</strong> lexical evidential expressions <strong>in</strong><br />
Spanish. It comb<strong>in</strong>es functional analysis with extensive corpus research. By emphasiz<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
variety of expression types, my approach differs from Aikhenvald’s (2004) strong claim that<br />
evidentiality should refer to an exclusively (obligatory) grammatical category. The latter view<br />
implies that most European languages do not have an evidential category <strong>and</strong>, hence, also<br />
entails that evidentiality should not be considered from a functional perspective, that is, as a<br />
mean<strong>in</strong>g category similar to other categories, such as epistemic or deontic modality. The<br />
alternative, functional approach to the l<strong>in</strong>guistic expression of the evidential category should<br />
take <strong>in</strong>to account the degree of grammaticalization of the expressions.<br />
In this paper, I will exam<strong>in</strong>e how, <strong>in</strong> Spanish, evidential types, i.e. sources of <strong>in</strong>formation<br />
(e.g. <strong>in</strong>ference from reason<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong>ference from direct evidence, hearsay), are expressed by<br />
means of different expression types, which <strong>in</strong>clude (semi-)auxiliaries (e.g. deber ‘must’,<br />
parecer ‘seem’ <strong>and</strong> resultar ‘turn out to’), mental state predicates (e.g. suponer ‘to suppose’),<br />
adverbs (e.g. evidentemente ‘evidently’) <strong>and</strong> adjectives (e.g. claro ‘clear’). The paper is<br />
ma<strong>in</strong>ly concerned with three questions: (i) why do some lexical items give rise to various<br />
evidential expression types, while other ones are restricted to only one type? (ii) does the<br />
number of evidential expression types of a lexical item also reflect the number of evidential<br />
types (sources of <strong>in</strong>formation)? (iii) is there a different distribution of the evidential<br />
expressions <strong>in</strong> terms of spoken or written discourse?<br />
With regard to the first question on the expression types (i), it is a case <strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t that the<br />
evidential mean<strong>in</strong>g of the verb parecer ‘to seem’ is expressed through many different<br />
constructions: these can be verbal, e.g. parece que ‘it seems that’, parecer + <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive ‘seem<br />
to’, por lo que parece ‘seem<strong>in</strong>gly’, según parece ‘seem<strong>in</strong>gly’, al parecer ‘seem<strong>in</strong>gly’, but can<br />
also be adverbial, e.g. aparentemente ‘seem<strong>in</strong>gly’. By contrast, the evidential auxiliary deber<br />
‘must’ has no other equivalents (debidamente expresses a moral appreciation, no evidential<br />
qualification) <strong>and</strong> resultar ‘to turn out to’ is usually followed by a que-clause. I will check the<br />
hypothesis that the conceptual l<strong>in</strong>k with the orig<strong>in</strong> (of the force or the result) blocks the<br />
proliferation of the forms.<br />
The second question about the evidential types can be answered affirmatively. It is common<br />
knowledge that the read<strong>in</strong>g of perception verbs such as oír ‘hear’ <strong>and</strong> ver ‘to see’ differs <strong>in</strong> a<br />
que-clause construction – when they have a direct evidence or hearsay read<strong>in</strong>g – <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> an<br />
<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive construction – with a direct evidence read<strong>in</strong>g. In the same l<strong>in</strong>e, parecer expresses<br />
both <strong>in</strong>ferential <strong>and</strong> hearsay read<strong>in</strong>gs: both of them are found <strong>in</strong> parece que, while parecer + <strong>in</strong>f<br />
limits itself to <strong>in</strong>ferential read<strong>in</strong>gs. The adverb aparentemente has an extra dimension of<br />
contrast with the speaker’s knowledge. Deber, by contrast,only has an <strong>in</strong>ferential read<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
while resulta que favors a hearsay read<strong>in</strong>g. A mental state verb <strong>in</strong> the first person such as<br />
supongo ‘I suppose’ conveys an <strong>in</strong>ferential read<strong>in</strong>g, but its adverbial counterpart<br />
supuestamente ‘supposedly/allegedly’ refers to a hearsay read<strong>in</strong>g. These examples suggest<br />
that the broader the network of constructions, the more evidential types a lexical item has.<br />
As for the last question concern<strong>in</strong>g the spoken <strong>and</strong> written discourse, the distribution varies<br />
from one lexeme to another. Evidential verbs + <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive are far more frequent <strong>in</strong> written texts<br />
than <strong>in</strong> oral speech, whereas que-complementation shows the reverse distribution. The<br />
adverbs aparentemente <strong>and</strong> supuestamente show up more often <strong>in</strong> spoken resp. written