Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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180 Workshops<br />
“‘Good design’ conditions are <strong>in</strong> part a matter of empirical discovery, though<br />
with<strong>in</strong> general guidel<strong>in</strong>es of an aprioristic character, a familiar feature of rational<br />
<strong>in</strong>quiry [...]. Even the most extreme proponents of deductive reason<strong>in</strong>g from first<br />
pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, Descartes for example, held that experiment is critically necessary to<br />
discover which of the reasonable options was <strong>in</strong>stantiated <strong>in</strong> the actual world”.<br />
It can be argued that the general architecture is universal, but the hierarchy of features is<br />
language-specific <strong>and</strong> therefore subject to relativism.<br />
The role of syntax <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of temporal connectives<br />
Mylonaki, Agapi / Papadopoulou, Desp<strong>in</strong>a / Tsimpli, Ianthi-Maria<br />
Thessaloniki<br />
amylon@enl.auth.gr;depapa@enl.auth.gr;imt@enl.auth.gr<br />
This paper beg<strong>in</strong>s with the st<strong>and</strong>ard observation that temporal connectives (while, after)can be<br />
ambiguous between a temporal <strong>and</strong> a non-temporal (causal, concessive, opposition) read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />
languages like English <strong>and</strong> Greek. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to most analyses of Greek connectives, the<br />
ambiguity is a matter of semantic <strong>and</strong>/or pragmatic factors (Kaloker<strong>in</strong>os 2001, Kitis 2000,<br />
among others). Follow<strong>in</strong>g Haegeman 2002, we argue that the temporal <strong>and</strong> the non-temporal<br />
read<strong>in</strong>gs of the connectives are constra<strong>in</strong>ed by syntactic properties of the <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of<br />
the adjunct clause as well as of the adjunction site (CP, vP) of the clause <strong>in</strong>troduced by the<br />
connective. With respect to the Greek connectives, our aim is to analyze the morpho-syntactic<br />
properties which block the ambiguity of the connective <strong>and</strong> force the non-temporal read<strong>in</strong>g. In<br />
particular, aspectual properties of the verb <strong>in</strong> the adjunct clause <strong>in</strong> the temporal read<strong>in</strong>g seem<br />
to be subject to c-selection by the connective <strong>in</strong>volved. Moreover, negation <strong>in</strong> the adjunct<br />
clause blocks the temporal read<strong>in</strong>g; we argue that this is due to the ‘isl<strong>and</strong>’ effects that<br />
negation has <strong>in</strong> the aspectual dependency formed between the verb <strong>and</strong> the connective.<br />
In order to show that aspect <strong>and</strong> negation constra<strong>in</strong> the ambiguous read<strong>in</strong>g of temporal<br />
connectives <strong>in</strong> Greek, we will present results from an <strong>in</strong>terpretation task adm<strong>in</strong>istered to adult<br />
native Greek speakers which tested the availability of the temporal read<strong>in</strong>g with aspectual<br />
changes on the embedded verb <strong>and</strong> with the negative vs. affirmative status of the adjunct clause.<br />
C-Related Parts of Speech<br />
Panagiotidis, Phoevos / Grohmann, Kleanthes K.<br />
Nicosia<br />
panagiotidis@cycollege.ac.cy;kleanthi@ucy.ac.cy<br />
We will revisit so-called “mixed projections” (or categories) — which comb<strong>in</strong>e properties<br />
typically associated with two dist<strong>in</strong>ct grammatical categories — from a novel perspective <strong>and</strong><br />
argue for categorial switches <strong>in</strong> the syntactic derivation. These are categories <strong>in</strong> the phrasemarker<br />
which <strong>in</strong>stantiate the switch from one categorial sub-tree to another. The most<br />
straightforward implementation of this idea, we will argue, is to adopt Grohmann’s (2003)<br />
Prolific Doma<strong>in</strong>s. These are sub-parts of the derivation that encode specific contextual<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation (typically relat<strong>in</strong>g to thematic, agreement or discourse properties). Our suggestion<br />
is that a switch may only be merged at the edge of a Prolific Doma<strong>in</strong>, giv<strong>in</strong>g rise to the<br />
phenomenon that has been ascribed to “mixed projections” without adopt<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
term<strong>in</strong>ological difficulties borne by that term. This talk will concentrate on switches select<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the agreement (Φ-) <strong>and</strong> thematic (Θ-) Prolific Doma<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> languages like Dutch or Spanish,<br />
switch<strong>in</strong>g the category of the projection from clausal to nom<strong>in</strong>al as we move up the tree.