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Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...

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Section E: Word Order 59<br />

agreement, e.g. Jaan/poisid sööb/söövad suppi [Jaan/boy:pl eat:3sg/pl soup:part] ‘Jaan/the<br />

boys is/are eat<strong>in</strong>g soup’.<br />

The ma<strong>in</strong> type of marked basic clause is an existential clause that presents a referent: e.g. Aias<br />

kasvasid lilled [garden:<strong>in</strong> grow:past:3pl flower:pl:nom] ‘Flowers were grow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the<br />

garden’; Aias kasvas lilli [garden:<strong>in</strong> grow:past:3sg flower:pl:part] lit. ‘There were grow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

some flowers <strong>in</strong> the garden’. In a typical existential clause the clause-<strong>in</strong>itial topic is an<br />

adverbial of location (or time). The subject exhibits some object properties: it is a rhema <strong>and</strong><br />

often <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>ite. The subject may receive the partitive case, which is typical of objects (<strong>and</strong><br />

obligatory <strong>in</strong> negation), <strong>and</strong> thus does not trigger verbal agreement.<br />

Between the unmarked basic clauses <strong>and</strong> the existential clauses there are clauses whose<br />

clause-<strong>in</strong>itial subject is an actor with behavioural properties similar to those of the subject of<br />

the unmarked basic clause, except that the actor here is not realised as the subject but as an<br />

adverbial (<strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> cases as a direct object) as <strong>in</strong> the existential clause. This is illustrated <strong>in</strong><br />

the table below. Another argument may (although need not) be realised as the subject. This<br />

subject has some object properties: e.g., it may also be <strong>in</strong> the partitive. This k<strong>in</strong>d of clause<br />

pattern, similar to the existential clause, is used to express possessive, experiencer relations<br />

<strong>and</strong> resultative processes, whereas the marked actor functions as the possessor, experiencer or<br />

the source of the resultative process. These clause patterns are not the only ones that can<br />

express the relations mentioned. The same relations can be expressed also with unmarked<br />

basic clauses, as aga<strong>in</strong> illustrated <strong>in</strong> the table.<br />

Possessive<br />

clauses<br />

Experiental<br />

clauses<br />

Resultative<br />

clauses<br />

Unmarked basic clauses Clauses with a marked topical actor<br />

Jaan omab autot [Jaan has:3sg<br />

car:part] ‘Jaan has a car’<br />

Ma kardan [I fair:1sg] ‘I am<br />

afraid’<br />

Tiia armastab lapsi [Tiia like:3sg<br />

children] ‘Tiia loves children’<br />

Ma tean teie arvamust [I<br />

know:1sg you:gen op<strong>in</strong>ion:part] ‘I<br />

know your op<strong>in</strong>ion’<br />

Poiss kasvas meheks [boy<br />

grow:past:3sg man:trnsl] ‘The<br />

boy grew <strong>in</strong>to man’<br />

Adessive Jaanil on auto [Jaan:ad be:3sg car]<br />

‘Jaan has gota car’<br />

Adessive Mul on hirm [I:ad be:3sg fear]<br />

‘I am scared’<br />

Allative Tiiale meeldivad lapsed [Tiia:all<br />

like:3pl children] ‘Tiia loves children’<br />

Partitive M<strong>in</strong>d huvitab teie arvamus [I:part<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest:3sg you:gen op<strong>in</strong>ion] ‘I am<br />

<strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> your op<strong>in</strong>ion’<br />

Elative Poisist kasvas mees [boy:el<br />

grow:past:3sg man] ‘The boy grew<br />

<strong>in</strong>to man’<br />

Current trends <strong>in</strong> language use demonstrate an exp<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g use of unmarked possessive <strong>and</strong><br />

experiental basic clauses at the expense of marked clauses. This could be seen both as a<br />

language contact-<strong>in</strong>duced shift from the F<strong>in</strong>no-Ugric clause patterns towards SAE patterns<br />

<strong>and</strong> as (just) the simplification of the <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of the language. Resultative<br />

constructions show a tendency to use the focussed clause-f<strong>in</strong>al subject <strong>in</strong> both clause patterns.<br />

The subject is, accord<strong>in</strong>g to the aims of the speaker, either the focussed goal, e.g. Tomsonist<br />

sai direktor [Tomson:el became director:nom], or the source, e.g. Direktoriks sai Tomson<br />

[director:trnsl became Tomson:nom].

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