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Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...

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Section A: Language Contact 13<br />

(8) Inork ez daki (Basque)<br />

nobody.ERG NEG knows<br />

‘Nobody knows it’<br />

The analysis: This paper accounts for the syntactic distribution of N-words <strong>in</strong> preverbal <strong>and</strong><br />

postverbal positions <strong>in</strong> Basque Spanish. Furthermore, it discrim<strong>in</strong>ates between what is<br />

transferred from Basque, if anyth<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> what is kept as part of the syntax of Romance<br />

languages. These two goals are accomplished by: (i) determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the syntactic properties of<br />

Basque Spanish N-words, (ii) compar<strong>in</strong>g them with the syntactic properties of negative<br />

elements <strong>in</strong> Basque <strong>and</strong> St<strong>and</strong>ard Spanish. Thus, whereas Basque Spanish N-words abide by<br />

the syntax of St<strong>and</strong>ard Spanish (i.e. negative XPs are not NPIs), some similarities with<br />

Basque, such as seem<strong>in</strong>gly parallel word orders <strong>and</strong> absence of anti-agreement effects <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

speakers of this variety to <strong>in</strong>terpret the doubl<strong>in</strong>g NEG head as an agreement marker <strong>and</strong><br />

develop a negative concord relation with the preverbal N-word.<br />

The universal component of Gender Agreement <strong>in</strong> Code-<br />

Switch<strong>in</strong>g<br />

González-Vilbazo, Kay E. / Rothe, Astrid<br />

University of Ill<strong>in</strong>ois at Chicago UIC / Universität zu Köln<br />

kay.gonzalez@uni-koeln.de;astrid.rothe@uni-koeln.de<br />

Our talk deals with gender agreement <strong>in</strong> DPs which conta<strong>in</strong> a code-switch between the noun<br />

<strong>and</strong> its determ<strong>in</strong>er. In monol<strong>in</strong>gual contexts, the gender of the noun <strong>and</strong> the determ<strong>in</strong>er have<br />

to agree, as <strong>in</strong> the Spanish examples <strong>in</strong> (1) <strong>and</strong> (2), i.e. they have to bear the same abstract<br />

gender feature.<br />

(1) el tenedor<br />

the-MASC. fork-MASC.<br />

(2) *la tenedor<br />

the-FEM. fork-MASC.<br />

In our data from code-switch<strong>in</strong>g pairs like Spanish/German or French/German (Gonzalez<br />

1996, Gonzalez/Müller 2003 <strong>and</strong> Rothe 2004/2005), we found gender agreement patterns that<br />

differ strik<strong>in</strong>gly from known monol<strong>in</strong>gual patterns. Example (3) shows a mixed DP <strong>in</strong> which<br />

the noun <strong>and</strong> its determ<strong>in</strong>er bear different genders <strong>and</strong> yet the example is grammatical. In (4),<br />

we can observe that chang<strong>in</strong>g the gender renders the DP ungrammatical.<br />

(3) el Brötchen<br />

the-MASC. bun-NEUT.<br />

(4) *la Brötchen<br />

the-FEM. bun-NEUT.<br />

Even more unexpected is the fact shown <strong>in</strong> (5), where a DP conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a noun <strong>and</strong> a<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>er with the same gender turns out to be ungrammatical.<br />

(5) *der cuaderno<br />

ART-MASC. notebook-MASC.<br />

These agreement patterns can be expla<strong>in</strong>ed without postulat<strong>in</strong>g a specific grammar for codeswitch<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

All that is required are the monol<strong>in</strong>gual grammars of the <strong>in</strong>volved languages <strong>and</strong> a<br />

general theory about agreement. This is captured <strong>in</strong> the agreement constra<strong>in</strong>t (Gonzalez 2005)

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