Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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58 Sections<br />
We make use of a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between the core syntactic properties of a construction on the<br />
one h<strong>and</strong> (with hard judgments of (un-)grammaticality) <strong>and</strong> the discourse-embedd<strong>in</strong>g of the<br />
sentence on the other h<strong>and</strong> (with soft judgments bear<strong>in</strong>g on the (<strong>in</strong>-)felicity of the sentence <strong>in</strong><br />
context).<br />
French is reputed to be a language with a fixed word order, SVO, with two types of obligatory<br />
<strong>in</strong>version <strong>in</strong> direct questions. However, there also is a doma<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> which freedom seems to<br />
reign; the position of the subject with respect to the verb is undeterm<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> embedded clauses<br />
<strong>in</strong> subjunctive mood <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> relative clauses, as shown <strong>in</strong> (1) <strong>and</strong> (2) respectively.<br />
(1) a. Je veux que parte Paul (I want that leaves Paul)<br />
b. Je veux que Paul parte (I want that Paul leaves)<br />
(2) a. Le livre qu’a écrit Paul (The book that has written Paul)<br />
b. Le livre que Paul a écrit (The book that Paul has written)<br />
On the theoretical level the situation can be exp<strong>and</strong>ed to the statement “If the core syntax of a<br />
language allows for choices, the actual reason for a speaker to prefer the one variant rather<br />
over the other <strong>in</strong> a given situation is beyond syntax <strong>and</strong> typically reflects stylistic variation”.<br />
In this paper we argue that this type of stylistic variation is largely dependent on discourse<br />
functions which can be stated <strong>in</strong> terms of topic <strong>and</strong> focus. Our argumentation makes use of<br />
questions/answer pairs among other th<strong>in</strong>gs; a prom<strong>in</strong>ent one is given <strong>in</strong> (3).<br />
(3) a. Que veux-tu que Paul fasse? √ 1b # 1a<br />
b. Qui veux-tu qui parte? # 1b √ 1a<br />
Our proposal is that topicality <strong>in</strong>duces a preverbal position of the subject (SV if S = topic),<br />
while focalisation <strong>in</strong>duces a sentence-f<strong>in</strong>al position of the subject (VS if S = focus). The<br />
proposal improves on the one <strong>in</strong> Kampers-Manhe et al (2004), <strong>and</strong> takes <strong>in</strong>to account the<br />
semantic data <strong>in</strong> Drijkon<strong>in</strong>gen & Kampers-Manhe (ms.). Our more general po<strong>in</strong>t is that word<br />
orders used to reflect the communicative progress of the discourse cannot overrule syntactic<br />
impossibilities, such that French speakers are often forced to use SVO structures even if focus<br />
is <strong>in</strong>volved, as shown <strong>in</strong> (4).<br />
(4) Qui viendra? *Viendra Paul / Paul viendra *VS (even if S=focus)<br />
This entails for us that the <strong>in</strong>teraction between word order <strong>and</strong> discourse is a matter of “proper<br />
balance” rather than a discussion of the type “either/or”.<br />
Drijkon<strong>in</strong>gen, F., & Kampers-Manhe, B., (Ms. submitted), “On <strong>in</strong>versions <strong>and</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpretation of subjects <strong>in</strong> French”; Kampers-Manhe et al. (2004), “Subject NP<br />
<strong>in</strong>version” In: F. Corbl<strong>in</strong> & H. de Swart (eds) H<strong>and</strong>book of French Semantics, CSLI<br />
Publications, pp. 553-580.<br />
Estonian clause patterns — from F<strong>in</strong>no-Ugric to SAE<br />
Erelt, Mati / Metslang, Helle<br />
University of Tartu / University of Hels<strong>in</strong>ki / Tall<strong>in</strong>n University<br />
mati.erelt@ut.ee<br />
Estonian clauses can be divided <strong>in</strong>to two basic patterns: unmarked basic clauses <strong>and</strong> marked<br />
basic clauses, based on whether the clause-<strong>in</strong>itial topic is the (nom<strong>in</strong>ative) subject. The<br />
subject of the unmarked basic clause is the semantic actor <strong>and</strong> has the typical cod<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />
behavioural properties of the subject, among other th<strong>in</strong>gs the ability to trigger verbal