Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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Workshop 7 – Ron 195<br />
Prom<strong>in</strong>ence <strong>and</strong> transparency <strong>in</strong> prosodic morphology<br />
Lappe, Sab<strong>in</strong>e<br />
Siegen<br />
lappe@anglistik.uni-siegen.de<br />
Truncatory processes are traditionally held to lack transparency (both semantic <strong>and</strong><br />
morphological). The chief reason for the lack of semantic transparency is that the base form is<br />
taken to be not easily or unambiguously recoverable from the truncated form. Thus, for<br />
example, the English truncated personal name Will may be derived from Wilbert or William;<br />
similarly, English mag may be derived either from magaz<strong>in</strong>e or from magnet. This lack of<br />
recoverability has provided one of the major arguments to dist<strong>in</strong>guish between processes like<br />
truncation as <strong>in</strong>stances of word-creation or extragrammatical morphology on the one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
word-formation proper or grammatical word-formation on the other h<strong>and</strong>.<br />
In this paper I will look at recoverability of base words <strong>in</strong> truncatory processes from an<br />
empirical perspective. It will be shown that from this perspective, recoverability - <strong>and</strong>, hence,<br />
transparency - is much less a problem for the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of truncated words than hitherto<br />
assumed. The ma<strong>in</strong> bulk of data will come from English (Lappe 2005), where truncatory<br />
processes - especially personal name truncation - are highly productive. The truncatory<br />
patterns to be considered will be simple name truncation (e.g. Will < William), hypocoristic<br />
formation (e.g. Willy < William), <strong>and</strong> clipp<strong>in</strong>g of other words, both unsuffixed (e.g. mag <<br />
magnet, celeb < celebrity) <strong>and</strong> suffixed (e.g. chrissie < chrysanthemum).<br />
On the basis of a corpus compris<strong>in</strong>g more than 3,000 base-derivative pairs, we will first of all<br />
see that, <strong>in</strong> practice, truncated forms pos<strong>in</strong>g recoverability problems are the exception rather<br />
than the rule. Specifically, the assumption that truncation produces homophonous truncated<br />
forms whose bases are unclear is true for only a very small m<strong>in</strong>ority of cases <strong>in</strong> the corpus.<br />
Secondly, we will see that truncation processes systematically <strong>in</strong>corporate mechanisms that<br />
facilitate recoverability of base forms, <strong>and</strong>, hence, transparency. These mechanisms crucially<br />
<strong>in</strong>volve the phonological prom<strong>in</strong>ence structure of the base form. For example, English<br />
truncated names systematically vary between two options <strong>in</strong> terms of the segmental material<br />
which they preserve from their bases. More than 90% of the pert<strong>in</strong>ent data preserve either the<br />
first or the ma<strong>in</strong>-stressed syllable of the base. Preservation of nonprom<strong>in</strong>ent material, which is<br />
attested for highly frequent names like Elisabeth (truncated form: Beth), is very rare <strong>in</strong> the<br />
corpus. Interest<strong>in</strong>gly, the systematic patterns observed <strong>in</strong> truncation mirror what has been<br />
found <strong>in</strong> psychol<strong>in</strong>guistic studies to be important for word recognition. Truncated forms<br />
systematically preserve those parts of their bases that play a key role <strong>in</strong> lexical access.<br />
In the second part of the paper the empirical f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs from English will be compared to<br />
f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs that have emerged from studies of truncatory patterns <strong>in</strong> other languages. We will see<br />
that English does not constitute an isolated case, but that, whenever systematic empirical<br />
studies are available, these studies br<strong>in</strong>g out the prom<strong>in</strong>ence structure of base forms as an<br />
important factor that systematically determ<strong>in</strong>es which part of their bases truncated forms will<br />
reta<strong>in</strong>. The data will come from Spanish (PiZeros 1998), French (Ronneberger-Sibold 1992,<br />
Scullen 1997, Nelson 2003), <strong>and</strong> Italian (Alber 2006, to appear).<br />
With respect to the topic of the workshop, the f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs to be presented <strong>in</strong> this paper raise<br />
important theoretical issues. These not only concern the relation between transparency <strong>and</strong><br />
formal compositionality; they also crucially concern the question of what should count as<br />
irregularity <strong>in</strong> morphology.