Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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Section H: Syntax 91<br />
Discourse conditions for focus <strong>in</strong> Yucatec Maya:<br />
evidence from experimental data<br />
Skopeteas, Stavros / Verhoeven, Elisabeth<br />
University of Potsdam / University of Bremen<br />
skopetea@rz.uni-potsdam.de;elisabeth.verhoeven@uni-erfurt.de<br />
In Yucatec Maya constituent focus is encoded through movement to a preverbal focus<br />
position <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> case of agent focus, additionally through a special verb form (see Bricker<br />
1979, Tonhauser 2003).<br />
In this paper we present two speech production experiments that have been performed <strong>in</strong> the<br />
field <strong>in</strong> order to localize the discourse conditions <strong>in</strong> which native speakers (n=16) use these<br />
focus constructions: (a) a dialogue-based experiment which makes use of different question<br />
types (confirmative, rejective, selective, <strong>and</strong> completive) apply<strong>in</strong>g visual stimuli; (b) a<br />
narrative-based experiment that manipulates the distribution of given <strong>and</strong> new <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong><br />
descriptions of picture sequences.<br />
The experimental results show that focus constructions occur <strong>in</strong> all question types but their<br />
frequency correlates with the question’s power (7% of the confirmative answers, 26% of the<br />
selective ones, 20% of the corrective ones <strong>and</strong> 16% of the completive ones). In the narrative<br />
experiment, the focus construction frequently occurs to mark new <strong>in</strong>formation. This data<br />
allows for the revision of previous accounts accord<strong>in</strong>g to which the focus position <strong>in</strong> Mayan is<br />
used <strong>in</strong> contrastive contexts. Our explanation is functional, draw<strong>in</strong>g attention to the<br />
complementarity of syntax <strong>and</strong> prosody for the encod<strong>in</strong>g of discourse functions. As a tonal<br />
language, Yucatec Maya does not mark discourse functions through pitch accents, which<br />
implies that a constituent may not bear the focus feature if it does not occur <strong>in</strong> the designated<br />
focus position. The functional consequence of this typological feature is that a marked<br />
syntactic construction occurs <strong>in</strong> a wide variety of contexts. This assumption is supported<br />
cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistically, through the comparison of the Mayan data with data from languages that<br />
display both syntactic <strong>and</strong> prosodic means for the expression of focus (German, Greek, <strong>and</strong><br />
Georgian) <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> which the same experiments have been performed.<br />
References<br />
Bricker, Victoria R. (1979): “Wh-questions, relativization, <strong>and</strong> cleft<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Yucatec Maya”, <strong>in</strong>:<br />
Mart<strong>in</strong>, Laura (ed.), Papers <strong>in</strong> Mayan l<strong>in</strong>guistics. Columbia, Miss.: Lucas Brothers, <strong>10</strong>7-136.<br />
Tonhauser, Judith (2003): “F-constructions <strong>in</strong> Yucatec Maya”, <strong>in</strong>: Anderssen, Jan; Menéndez-<br />
Benito, Paula & Werle, Adam (eds.), The Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of SULA 2. Vancouver, BC:<br />
GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.<br />
The discourse basis of head-mark<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Viti, Carlotta<br />
University of Pisa<br />
carlottaviti@hotmail.com<br />
Although languages are commonly consistent <strong>in</strong> mark<strong>in</strong>g relations of dependency either on<br />
the head or on the dependent of a constituent, both head- <strong>and</strong> dependent-marked constructions<br />
can be occasionally found <strong>in</strong> the same language (Nichols 1986; 1992). In this case, it is more<br />
frequent that a head-marked construction is found <strong>in</strong> a generally dependent mark<strong>in</strong>g language<br />
rather the other way round. For example, the Indo-European languages mark subject<br />
agreement on the verb, i.e. on the head of the clause, but they encode possessum, as well as