Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
Relativism and Universalism in Linguistics - Fachbereich 10 ...
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68 Sections<br />
The goal of this study is to present a functional <strong>and</strong> phonological analysis of the prosody of<br />
the ma<strong>in</strong> peripheral constructions <strong>in</strong> English, us<strong>in</strong>g the conceptual framework of <strong>in</strong>formation<br />
structure theory <strong>and</strong> the analytical tools of Optimality Theory (Pr<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>and</strong> Smolensky 1993;<br />
McCarthy <strong>and</strong> Pr<strong>in</strong>ce 1993; Kager 1999; McCarthy 2002), <strong>and</strong> cit<strong>in</strong>g as evidence English<br />
examples. The study asks four questions. First, is there any variation <strong>in</strong> the phras<strong>in</strong>g of the<br />
constructions under study? If so, second, is it merely phonetic? Or, third, is it phonological<br />
(hence compromis<strong>in</strong>g the claim of universality)? Fourth, how can it be accounted for?<br />
We present a phonetic <strong>and</strong> phonological description of the <strong>in</strong>tonation of the ma<strong>in</strong> types of<br />
peripheral constructions (left- <strong>and</strong> right-detached constructions, non-restrictive relatives,<br />
parentheses, etc.) which is based on spoken corpora English data (Freiburg Corpus of English<br />
Dialects, FRED), <strong>and</strong> on empirical data that was collected as part of the first author’s doctoral<br />
dissertation (Astruc 2005). Results show significant variation <strong>in</strong> the phras<strong>in</strong>g of the<br />
constructions under study. We argue that such variation is phonetic <strong>in</strong> nature, not<br />
phonological. We provide arguments for analys<strong>in</strong>g these constructions as <strong>in</strong>termediate<br />
phrases, the constituent <strong>in</strong> the prosodic hierarchy (Nespor <strong>and</strong> Vogel, Selkirk 1986,<br />
Truckenbrodt 1995) ranked just below the Intonational Phrase. The proposed analysis<br />
successfully accounts for the observed patterns of phonetic variability by propos<strong>in</strong>g a set of<br />
phras<strong>in</strong>g constra<strong>in</strong>ts ranked with faithfulness constra<strong>in</strong>ts, <strong>and</strong>, crucially, with effortm<strong>in</strong>imiz<strong>in</strong>g<br />
constra<strong>in</strong>ts that promote rephras<strong>in</strong>g or deaccent<strong>in</strong>g accord<strong>in</strong>g to speech rate <strong>and</strong><br />
style. We discuss this analysis <strong>in</strong> relation to current theories of <strong>in</strong>formation structure. After<br />
Vallduví, we assume a model of <strong>in</strong>formation structure which is composed of a set of<br />
categories that consists of a limited number of scalar categories: ‘tail’, ‘l<strong>in</strong>k’, <strong>and</strong> ‘focus’<br />
(Vallduví 1990, 1994). In this study, we provide evidence for such a three-way partition of<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation structure, which is both consistent with Vallduví’s (1990, 1994) ‘tail’, ‘l<strong>in</strong>k’, <strong>and</strong><br />
‘focus’, <strong>and</strong> with Ward <strong>and</strong> Birner’s (2004) ‘evoked’, ‘unused’, <strong>and</strong> ‘br<strong>and</strong>-new’, <strong>and</strong> which<br />
effectively captures the functional asymmetry between right- <strong>and</strong> left-peripheral<br />
constructions. We further argue that these are marked <strong>in</strong> terms of <strong>in</strong>formation structure <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>tonation.Peripheral constructions are <strong>in</strong>tonationally marked, but this mark<strong>in</strong>g is not<br />
exclusively achieved by means of separate phonological phras<strong>in</strong>g. It can also be achieved by<br />
means of tonal phonological mechanisms, such as deaccent<strong>in</strong>g, tonal subord<strong>in</strong>ation, or by a<br />
comb<strong>in</strong>ation of phras<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> tonal mechanisms. Thus, we propose, that <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />
phonological phras<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong>/or subord<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong>tonation are possible universal ways of<br />
signall<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation structural markedness.<br />
High pitch as an universal mark<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>in</strong>terrogation:<br />
evidence from Catalan<br />
Astruc, Lluïsa<br />
The Open University<br />
mla28@cam.ac.uk<br />
In most languages statements end <strong>in</strong> a low pitch <strong>and</strong> questions end <strong>in</strong> a high pitch. High pitch is<br />
thus connected to the expression of uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terrogation (Liberman 1978, Bol<strong>in</strong>ger 1978,<br />
Ohala 1983, Cruttenden 1997, Gussenhoven 2004). High-pitched question tunes are regarded as<br />
grammaticalisations grounded <strong>in</strong> the ‘frequency code’ (Ohala 1983). In this frequency code, low<br />
pitch <strong>in</strong>dicates physical power (s<strong>in</strong>ce the bigger the larynx is, the more lower-pitched the animal<br />
sounds), while high pitch would <strong>in</strong>dicate the opposite. The grammaticalisation of the frequency<br />
code means that l<strong>in</strong>guistic assertion is expressed by low pitch, while uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terrogation<br />
are expressed by high pitch. Studies <strong>in</strong> Spanish (Prieto 2004, Rourke 2005), Dutch (Haan 2002),<br />
<strong>and</strong> Estonian (Asu 2003) offer support for this view.