<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>affairs. As Delors noted in his first speech as Commission President to the<strong>Europe</strong>an Parliament in 1985:“The culture industry will tomorrow be one <strong>of</strong> the biggest industries, a creator<strong>of</strong> wealth and jobs. Under the terms <strong>of</strong> the Treaty we do not have the resourceto implement a cultural policy; but we are going to try to tackle it along economiclines. (…) We have to build a powerful <strong>Europe</strong>an culture industry thatwill enable us to be in control <strong>of</strong> both the medium and its content, maintainingour standards <strong>of</strong> civilisation, and encouraging the creative people amongst us.”(Delors, cited in Collins, 1993: 90)The <strong>Europe</strong>an Union was effectively operating a de facto cultural policy longbefore Maastricht gave it the legal right to do so. Like Delors, many <strong>Europe</strong>anUnion supporters have long harboured a deeper vision <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an integration asa historical project that can perhaps be characterised as one <strong>of</strong> social engineering;a process similar to that <strong>of</strong> nation-building, but with the more ambitious goal <strong>of</strong>creating a new political order based on pan-national cohesion and supranationalinstitutions. The “<strong>Europe</strong>an idea”, as it is called, epitomises the ideological underpinnings<strong>of</strong> this vision <strong>of</strong> a more integrated federal <strong>Europe</strong>.To justify expansion <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union beyond its original remit, particularuse has been made <strong>of</strong> the general prefatory remarks contained in the Treaty preambles,notably their flowery statements about forging “ever-closer union among thepeoples <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>” and laying “the foundations for a destiny henceforth shared”. 1Within this logic, the idea <strong>of</strong> promoting or defending “core values” and “the common<strong>Europe</strong>an heritage” became a major plank in the strategy for advancing the<strong>Europe</strong>an Union project. <strong>Europe</strong>an Union cultural initiatives were guided by thebelief that culture could be mobilised to galvanise people towards a new conception<strong>of</strong> themselves as “<strong>Europe</strong>ans” rather than exclusive nationals – in a mannerreminiscent <strong>of</strong> the model <strong>of</strong> nation-state formation. 2 As the <strong>Europe</strong>an Commissiondeclares (1988: 3), “the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union which is being constructed cannot haveeconomic and social objectives as its only aim. It also involves new kinds <strong>of</strong> solidaritybased on belonging to <strong>Europe</strong>an culture.” The <strong>Europe</strong>an Union’s morerecent “Culture 2000” programme was similarly justified by arguments calling forthe creation <strong>of</strong> a “cultural area common to the <strong>Europe</strong>an people” (<strong>Europe</strong>anParliament, 2000: 2). In their policy statements and declarations, <strong>Europe</strong>an Unionstrategists thus echo the argument made long ago by Ernest Gellner (1983: 36) that“modern man is not loyal to a monarch or a land or a faith, whatever he may say,but to a culture. And he is, generally speaking, gelded.” The difficulty with this,however, is that there is little consensus over what “<strong>Europe</strong>an culture” consists <strong>of</strong>,or which peoples are to be included or excluded within its definition, although theanswer becomes clearer when we look more closely at <strong>Europe</strong>an Union culturalaction, and “gelding strategies”, in practice.__________1. For an interesting legal perspective on this see Howe, 1992.2. On the creation <strong>of</strong> national cultures see especially Anderson, 1983; Foster, 1991; Gellner, 1983;Hobsbawm, 1990.110
Reasearch position paper 3The history <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union cultural policy provides an important case study <strong>of</strong>how <strong>Europe</strong>an integration works and how <strong>Europe</strong>an Union institutions havemanoeuvred to gain jurisdiction over new policy areas. It also highlights the tensionbetween the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union’s desire to promote greater freedom <strong>of</strong> trade incultural goods and services within <strong>Europe</strong>, and those who wish to mobilise cultureas a defensive shield against the perceived dangers <strong>of</strong> globalisation from without.The first budget lines specifically for culture voted by the <strong>Europe</strong>an Parliamentduring the 1970s mostly concerned heritage matters and involved relatively smallamounts <strong>of</strong> money. However, these budgetary inroads enabled the Commission in1973 to create a small unit dedicated to cultural affairs, thus establishing a strategicbridgehead for advancing further claims for competence in cultural affairs. TheCommission then used its initial activity to justify further activities. Through itsvarious communications on Community cultural action, it also set about rewritingthe history <strong>of</strong> its involvement in culture, portraying this as a response to a widelyfelt need for greater co-ordination. 1 This was done, according to Sandell (1997:269), “by putting forward bureaucratic, quasi-Marxist definitions <strong>of</strong> culture inorder to shoehorn it into the framework <strong>of</strong> the Treaty”. “Culture and the arts” thusbecame “the Cultural Sector” and “the Cultural Sector” 2 thus became “the socioeconomicwhole formed by persons and enterprises dedicated to the productionand distribution <strong>of</strong> cultural goods and services”.In addition to redefining culture to render it more amenable to Community intervention,the Commission exploited these new definitions to involve itself in culturalaction <strong>of</strong> a more symbolic kind designed to promote “<strong>Europe</strong>an identity” andbring <strong>Europe</strong> “closer to its citizens”. 3 Prompted by the low turn-outs in the 1984<strong>Europe</strong>an Parliament elections, the <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Council</strong> established an ad hocCommittee for a People’s <strong>Europe</strong>, whose brief was to suggest measures “tostrengthen and promote the Community’s identity and its image both for its citizensand for the rest <strong>of</strong> the world” (Adonnino, 1985: 5). The Committee, chairedby Italian MEP, Pietro Adonnino, subsequently produced two reports outliningcultural strategies for promoting the “<strong>Europe</strong>an idea” – most <strong>of</strong> which have beenimplemented. These included a <strong>Europe</strong>-wide “audiovisual area” with a “truly<strong>Europe</strong>an” multilingual television channel, a <strong>Europe</strong>an Academy <strong>of</strong> Science, and__________1. The Commission’s narrative regarding the evolution <strong>of</strong> its cultural policy is best exemplified in its1992 Communication: New prospects <strong>of</strong> Community cultural action. Other major communicationsinclude Community action in the cultural sector (1977); Stronger Community action in the cultural sector(1982); A fresh boost for culture in the <strong>Europe</strong>an Community (1987); and <strong>Europe</strong>an Communityaction in support <strong>of</strong> culture (1994).2. As used by the <strong>Europe</strong>an Union, this term typically includes information, communication, audiovisual,heritage, sport and the arts. Earlier definitions also included education and “youth”.3. The 1976 Tindemans’ Report on <strong>Europe</strong>an Union represents the first embryonic statement <strong>of</strong>Community cultural policy. Significantly, this developed the new catchword <strong>of</strong> “Citizen’s <strong>Europe</strong>”,although it was not until Maastricht, sixteen years later, that this idea was translated into the legalconcept <strong>of</strong> Citizenship <strong>of</strong> the Union. A second key event was the 1983 Solemn Declaration on<strong>Europe</strong>an Union signed by the <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Council</strong> in Stuttgart. This introduced the idea that <strong>Europe</strong>anco-operation should extend to cultural co-operation, to be pursued not for its own sake but “in order toaffirm the awareness <strong>of</strong> a common cultural heritage as an element in the <strong>Europe</strong>an identity” (cited inDe Witte, 1987).111
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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