<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>increased broadcasting followed, rather than preceded, the language revival. He alsonotes that radio, <strong>of</strong>ten more-community-based, might be a better vehicle for Gaelic.Also, even within a specific national territory, the discourses about language usecan change over time. Bulck and Poecke (1996) show the historical and ongoingdebates about language policy in relation to Flemish in Belgium and in relation toSwiss-German in Switzerland. Yet another argument is that across <strong>Europe</strong>, evenwell-established national languages such as Swedish are being bombarded byEnglish-language programming (Findahl, 1989) and some would say thatStandard English is being taken over by American forms.ConclusionsThere is a marked lack <strong>of</strong> empirical research in this increasingly important area <strong>of</strong>media production and consumption within <strong>Europe</strong>. What work exists is spotty,pertinent to particular moments within a rapidly changing social and media environment,and focusing both on different countries within <strong>Europe</strong> and on differentminority groups. It is thus both difficult to make comparisons and dangerous to tryto draw too many conclusions from these limited findings. It is absolutely clearthat more co-ordinated, comparative research in this area is badly needed.Ethnic media channels change the entire media “field”, to use Bourdieu’s term.The effects may be contradictory, in that what appears to be an opening out <strong>of</strong> thepublic sphere in terms <strong>of</strong> diversity only functions to socialise ethnic members furtherinto their own identity and not out toward others, the reproduction <strong>of</strong> culturalghettos. But all <strong>of</strong> this needs to be examined over time: it seems clear that ethnicmembers do not only feast on a diet <strong>of</strong> their “own” minority programming – inmost cases, there isn’t sufficient to do that – but rather dip in and out <strong>of</strong> own-languageprogramming and host country channels. The minority channels also operatewithin different spatial realms, determined by a complex mix <strong>of</strong> the actualoperating conditions and physical strength <strong>of</strong> the broadcast signal as well as imaginedboundaries <strong>of</strong> the “community” that they try to address: face-to-face localcommunities; ethnic minorities within national spaces and across national boundaries;truly diasporic orientations, all jostle for space and voice.Some are more clearly locally-oriented and community-based channels, includingminority-oriented programming on terrestrial channels. Here issues <strong>of</strong> training andaccess become pertinent, as ways <strong>of</strong> including minority members in the variouscreative processes <strong>of</strong> production. Novel programmes have been developed inmany parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>. For example, the Adolf Grimme Institut in Germany isworking with migrant women with journalistic experience, providing training andthen placements with broadcasting and production companies. In the UnitedKingdom, the London borough <strong>of</strong> Hammersmith and Fulham set up Intermedia totarget refugees with some media experience to train and provide short-term workplacements. The New Voices project <strong>of</strong> the London Film and Video DevelopmentAgency also aimed to develop the creative, entrepreneurial and technical skills <strong>of</strong>people from minority groups (Aitchison, 1999: 53; Sreberny, 1999: 110).162
Reasearch position paper 6Once the problems <strong>of</strong> minority media centred around concerns about socialfragmentation and the collapse <strong>of</strong> a national public sphere. Increasingly, the newdanger that analysts foresee is that the growth in more particularistic minoritychannels appears to let the public service broadcasters in <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>of</strong>f the hook <strong>of</strong>providing minority-oriented and multicultural programming. Public channels feelreleased from their duty to serve the whole population, leaving the foreign channelsto provide for minority tastes (Frachon and Vargaftig, 1995: 7). And so “difference”becomes simply a commodity, prey to global commercial pressures.Tsagarousianou’s conclusion about the rise <strong>of</strong> ethnic media in the United Kingdomduring the 1990s is that “dialogue within and between ethnic communities andother social groups remains at best a distant goal as issues <strong>of</strong> recognition (as far asethnic communities are concerned) and competitiveness, consolidation and survival(as far as the ethnic media themselves are concerned) seem to occupy centrestage at the moment.” (Tsagarousianou, 1999: 67)The overwhelming desire <strong>of</strong> young members <strong>of</strong> Britain’s minority ethnic communitieswas to see much more mixed programming, with more non-white faces ontelevision, and more attempts to articulate the different parts <strong>of</strong> British society toeach other, more representation <strong>of</strong> a culturally mixed Britain. As one respondentput it, “unless they try and represent us as a society (…) that’s made up <strong>of</strong> lots andlots <strong>of</strong> different parts, and we might all be interested in each other, then it’s notgoing to happen.” (Sreberny, 1999: 73). Channel 4 in Britain has embraced thisnew orientation enthusiastically, with Michael Jackson, its new head, arguing that:“This is a time <strong>of</strong> extraordinary social and cultural transformation. (…) We livein a less homogeneous, more pick-and-mix culture, and we’re better <strong>of</strong>f for it.(…) Traditional minorities have achieved greater assimilation. They don’twant only specialist programmes that reinforce their separateness within society,but also programmes that bring their attitudes and interests into the centreground <strong>of</strong> the schedule.” 1Yet the evidence suggests that while multicultural programming produced by publicservice channels does find non-native audiences, their information and culturalneeds are rarely met by this. There is a sense in which such programming worksbetter for the native population, teaching them about and so reconciling them tothe foreigners within their midst, yet does not fully satisfy the needs <strong>of</strong> the nonnativepopulations. 2 And the generational factor probably operates here: newcomerswanting to keep in touch with old “homes” more than the second and third generationswhose homes are where they live.Our analytic language hypostasises social divisions. The language <strong>of</strong> “native/nonnative”reproduces a binary divide that doesn’t allow for new and multiple affiliations,new homes, bi- and multilingualism. In recent research in the UnitedKingdom, the language <strong>of</strong> affiliation <strong>of</strong> the participants themselves frequently suggestedmore than one point <strong>of</strong> connection: “Bangladeshi Muslim”, “Indian Sikh”,__________1. Michael Jackson, Four the record, The Guardian, 5 July 1999, quoted in Sreberny, 1999: 90.2. Ibid.163
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PrefaceThe present text constitutes
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Part IDiffering diversities:transve
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The study: background, contextand m
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Differing diversitiesi. new forms o
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IntroductionTransversal perspective
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The challenge of diversityCulture,
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Diversity, citizenship, and cultura
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Differing diversitieslanguages. The
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Culture, government and diversity:p
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Differing diversitiesin the pursuit
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Differing diversitiesthe need for m
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Differing diversitiescircumstances
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Differing diversitiesclasses artist
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Differing diversitiesMy point, then
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The consequences of European media
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Assessing the implementationof cult
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The cultural policies of the Europe
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