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Tony Bennett, Differing diversities - Council of Europe

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<strong>Differing</strong> <strong>diversities</strong>do so. To the contrary, in all <strong>of</strong> the countries under investigation, cultural diversityobjectives are always stated in the context <strong>of</strong>, or alongside, other social objectiveswhich serve, immediately, to either qualify or give a particular inflection to thatcommitment to diversity. Moreover, although the formulations may vary, there areusually three common elements involved in such formulations: a commitment todiversity, a commitment to principles <strong>of</strong> social justice, and a commitment to – insome form – the continuing unity and integrity <strong>of</strong> the national culture. However,the ways in which these three elements are related to one another differ significantlywith important consequences for the organisation <strong>of</strong> the social contextswithin which cultural diversity policies are set.I have already touched on these matters in my discussion <strong>of</strong> the assimilationist implications<strong>of</strong> concepts <strong>of</strong> social integration. My earlier comments on the vocabulary <strong>of</strong>social inclusion also bear on the point as, in Belgium, Luxembourg, and the UnitedKingdom, cultural diversity policies are tending to be seen as a sub-set <strong>of</strong> socialinclusion policies. These, too, give a particular inflection to cultural diversitydebates owing to the connections they establish between such debates and the waysin which social inclusion policies tend to fuse social justice principles with moreconservative conceptions <strong>of</strong> the relations between cultural and social integration.The vocabulary <strong>of</strong> social inclusion is, as Ruth Levitas puts it (1998: 22), “a curiousamalgam <strong>of</strong> a liberal, Anglo-Saxon concern with poverty and a more conservative,continental concern with moral integration and social order”. As such, she argues,it is able to function as a shifter between these two concerns: it can “almost unnoticed,mobilise a redistributive argument behind a cultural or integrationist one –or represent cultural or integrationist arguments as redistributive” (ibid.: 27). Amore inclusive society is one that is both more just and better integrated, and it issomehow able to be both by becoming more different at the same time – but onlyprovided that such differences take appropriately limited and “acceptable” formsso as not to threaten social integration.There is a risk here that cultural diversity, in being brought into the policy playingfield under the rubric <strong>of</strong> social inclusion, has tagged onto it the coda <strong>of</strong> social integrationthat is now <strong>of</strong>ten the nationalist sting-in-the-tail <strong>of</strong> current diversity formulationseven where assimilationist objectives have been explicitly abandoned.Similar concerns have been expressed in relation to the policy rubric <strong>of</strong> socialcohesion that now provides the main umbrella policy context for cultural diversitypolicies in Canada, although with how much justice remains to be seen as thisremains a developing policy vocabulary that is subject to varied interpretations. 1Special consideration also needs to be given to the unique circumstances <strong>of</strong> thepost-communist regimes <strong>of</strong> eastern <strong>Europe</strong> in this regard in view <strong>of</strong> the role thatthe resurgence <strong>of</strong> strong, ethnically-marked nationalisms plays in developing theircredentials for equality <strong>of</strong> treatment with other nations in an enlarged <strong>Europe</strong>. The__________1. Making Connections: Culture and Social Cohesion in the New Millennium, the Conference Readerfor the CIRCLE/CCRN Round Table held at Edmonton, Canada, in May 2000 provides a usefulcompendium <strong>of</strong> the differing uses <strong>of</strong> the term in both Canadian and <strong>Europe</strong>an cultural policy discourse.50

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